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02 Issue # 11/11 : PublIc Issues 

editorial 

Selma Dubach & Christoph Schenker 

This edition of On-curating.org deals with aspects of the public sphere, public space, 

and public art in seven different metropolises around the world. The point of departure 

was a competition that was held for a master plan for public art in the new Europaallee 

district in the centre of Zurich, the first such plan in Switzerland. 

In his article "The Tree-lined Road to Europe," the urbanist Richard Wolff presents 

the urban development project Europaallee, which is currently being built, and traces the 

around 50-year-long historical development of the project and its changing politico- 

economic conditions. Due to the central location and the high investment volume of 2 to 

2.5 billion Swiss Francs, Europaallee is an extraordinary building project for Switzerland. 

A venture of this magnitude has to be seen in a global context. With Europaallee, the 

neoliberal city of Zurich is bolstering its position as a global city that is competing 

with other global cities economically. Europaallee is de facto an expansion of Zurich’s 

central business district and as such seems to demand a cultural prop in the form of 

public art. To arrive at a curatorial concept for art in the Europaallee district, the 

City of Zurich and the Swiss Federal Railways held a two-stage competition in 2009 and 

2010 (a selective procedure with prequalification). 

What functions does public art claim to fulfil in the given economic and social context? 

What understanding of the public sphere underlies public art? And how does it create room 

for public activities? Our aim here is not to ask and answer these questions based on 

the competition entries. Rather, we are interested, taking the globally networked space 

of Europaallee as a starting point, in broadening our perspective and putting up for 

discussion how artists, curators, urbanists, and cultural studies experts in other cities 

think and act. This edition of On-curating.org is a mosaic consisting of different per- 

spectives of different authors from different disciplines from different big cities across 

the globe. It creates a picture of what the public sphere, public space, and public art 

can mean today against the background of regional conditions. 

Under the title "The Production of the Public. Experiences from Mumbai," the architect 

Rupali Gupte and the urbanist Prasad shetty impressively examine concrete urban formulations 

and different scopes of the much-discussed concept "production of space" in 

the Indian metropolis Mumbai. In his article "Understanding the Public and the Chinese 

Contemporary," curator and critic li Zhenhua, who divides his time between Beijing, 

Shanghai, and Zurich, investigates the changed public sphere in China and the possibility 

of artists to interact with the Chinese public. In this context, he traces the social and 

political developments of his home country over the last forty years. In the essay "A 

Different Sense of Space. Public Spaces in Tokyo and Shanghai," the cultural theorist and 

photographer Jürgen Krusche shows the different notions and perceptions of the public 

sphere in the two Asian metropolises Tokyo and Shanghai. Even today, historical developments 

of private and public life in these cities give rise to divergent usages of public 

space. The artist Minerva cuevas discusses the ways in which art uses public space in 

the megalopolis Mexico City. The works discussed in "Mexico City and the Construction of 

its Public Sphere" range from conceptual (Gabriel Orozco) to socially involved, activist 

works (Abraham Cruzvillegas). The theoretical discussion of the artist collective Oda 

Projesi (which literally means "room project") in the article "Spatial Practices of Oda 

Projesi and the Production of Space in Istanbul" by the cultural studies expert Derya 

Özkan is followed by a conversation between Özkan and the three members of the collective 

entitled "Art’s Indecent Proposal: Collaboration. An Attempt to Think Collectively." 

The article addresses issues related to location and neighbourship, as well as the possi- 

bility to create (social) space through art. The focus is on Istanbul, where the artist 

collective operated an independent art space for five years. Curator siri Peyer concludes 

this issue of On-curating.org with an interview with Jeanne van Heeswijk, an artist who 

lives in Rotterdam. The two discuss different kinds of interventions, of interactive and 

participatory projects of the artist, that often accompany urban planning processes, as 

well as the understanding of public space as a social public domain which underlies the 

projects.


the tree-lined 

road to euroPe. 

socio-economic 

imPlications 

of Zurich's main 

station euroPaallee 

Project 

Richard Wolff 

Introduction 

Europaallee is Zurich's largest inner city development. 

It is located right next to the main station and serves as 

an extension of the central business district of Bahnhofstrasse. 

Currently under construction, Europaallee will be 

a mixed-use development, with offices, apartments, shops, 

and the teacher training college. Because of the project's 

unique scale and location, it is of utmost importance for 

Zurich's urban development. Never before in Zurich has 

there been a comparable project for inner city development 1 . 

And never since the latter half of the 19th century, when 

the city was dramatically transformed by industrialisation 

and railways (Bärtschi 1983), has Zurich seen such a 

thorough intervention in its city centre. 

This article focuses on the multiple contradictions 

of large-scale urban development projects. It analyses the 

various stakeholder interests, their socio-economic envi- 

ronment, and the final outcome of the project. To better 

understand the prerequisites of the current process, it is 

necessary to briefly go back 40 years and to explain the 

preliminary phases of today's scheme. 

Origins of the plan and cross-national references 

The first ideas for developing Zurich's main station date 

back to the 1960s. Zurich was in the middle of an economic 

boom and was lacking office space in the city centre 

(Hitz et. al. 1995). At the same time, SBB (Swiss Federal 

Railways) 2 were intending to renew and enlarge their station. 

In return for selling the air rights above the tracks, 

SBB expected private investors to finance a new station and 

to generate extra rental income. 

Zurich's idea was not unique. In many cities, railway 

companies and city planners, often in conjunction with pri- 

vate developers, had developed similar ideas. In Europe, 

well-known examples of similar projects are Gare de Mont- 

parnasse in Paris or Liverpool Street Station (Broadgate) 

in London, Euralille in Lille, and Euro Ville in Basel 

(Bertolini 1998 and Peters Deike 2009). 

Corner stones of HB Südwest and Eurogate 

Between 1969 and 2002, plans to build across Zurich's main 

station tracks came in ever-changing guises (fig. 1). First 

labelled HB Südwest (Main Station Southwest), then Eurogate 3 , 

the project's appearance and contents varied time and 

again. The core uses in all 

versions were the extension 

of the station and a new com- 

muter station, a pedestrian 

passage, offices and shopping 

facilities. Other uses 

that, over time, were pro- 

posed, added, enhanced, en- 

larged, reduced, or cancelled 

included housing, hotels, 

and schools. All the projects 

would have cost between 1 

and 1.5 billion Swiss francs 

offering a total floor space 

of between 250'000 and 

400'000 m 2 . 

Some versions included high- 

rise buildings, a hotel, and 

large auditoriums; others 

featured town squares, a car 

park, or up to 310 flats in- 

corporated on the deck across 

the railway tracks. Only in 

the very first project would 

the historic station building 

have been demolished; but 

then, in 1972, it was listed 

as an historic monument and 

therefore protected under a 

conservation order. 

Each of the project's phases 

was managed by a different 

alliance of developers. Only 

SBB was always a member. At 

first, in 1969, it was an 

alliance of purely public and 

semi-public agencies, con- 

sisting of the Swiss Federal 

Railways, the Canton of 

Zurich, the City of Zurich, 

and the Federal Post Office. 

After 1978, various publicprivate 

partnerships in- 

cluding Switzerland's largest 

banks, insurers, 4 contrac- 

tors, 5 and other large corpo- 

rations reinitiated the 

project. 

The City of Zurich – crucial 

as a planning authority – was 

not always part of the con- 

sortia. City government 

changed its stance several 

times. Until about 1973 an 

overt supporter, the city was 

first stopped by a referen- 

dum and then, after a po- 

litical shift, its attitude 

became critical of growth. 

For many years, Ursula Koch, 

Head of the City Building 

Department, and supported by 

an important share of the 

population, was responsible 

for slowing down the planning 

process. Only after the 

neoliberal shift of 1994 

did the City of Zurich again 

1 

Only transport in- 

frastructure 

schemes like the 

motorway-Y and the 

underground rail- 

way are larger in 

size (Schweingruber 

1986, Lin- 

denmeyer 1986, 

Senter for Applied 

Urbanism 1986, 

Kammerer 1986). 

2 

In this text, 

I use the German 

acronyms of natio- 

nal institutions, 

thus Swiss Federal 

Railways for SBB 

i.e., Schweizeri- 

sche Bundesbahnen. 

3 

Eurogate was ob- 

viousliy an allu- 

sion to Zurich's 

gate towards Eu- 

rope and not 

to the Watergate 

fiasco. 

4 

HB City Immobilien 

AG was established 

in 1981, and con- 

sisted of the then 

four largest Swiss 

banks Swiss Bank 

Corporation, Union 

Bank of Switzerland, 

Credit 

Suisse, Cantonal 

Bank of Zurich, 

two of Switzerland's 

largest in- 

surers (Zurich and 

Pax), and various 

large electrotechnical 

and con- 

struction compa- 

nies (POCH 1987). 

5 

Karl Steiner Immo- 

bilien AG, Göhner 

Merkur AG, and 

Bührle Immobilien 

AG.


1 – One of the many versions of HB Südwest, dated March 1995. Offices (blue) are over the main passenger 

tracks. Housing and hotel (green / yellow) above the side tracks. © Ralph Baenziger 

change its position, ultimately becoming a fervent supporter 

of expansion. The opponent's camp consisted — in 

varying constellations – of neighbourhood associations 

and activists, green(-ish) and left(-ist) parties, some 

(very) conservative parties, building and nature 

conservation societies. 

The arguments for and against HB Südwest / Eurogate 

The City of Zurich's changing position reflects the ambi- 

guity of the project. Good arguments in favour and just 

as good ones against the project could be brought forward 

with equal conviction. The whole issue became highly con- 

tested and caused countless debates and struggles. For 

both supporters and opposers HB Südwest / Eurogate became 

highly emblematic for the direction of the city's future 

development. Two contrary visions of urban development 

clashed. Zurich as a global city on the one hand, and the 

slow-growth city with more public and greener spaces, 

low rents, and less density on the other. 

Promoters praised the positive impact of the project on 

the local economy, the supply of much-needed office space 

in a prime location in the city centre, located ten mi- 

nutes from an international airport, its excellent accessibility 

by public transport, and hence its ecological 

quality and its role as a flagship in global city competition. 

Opponents denounced the damage the building across 

the railway tracks would do to the fragile urban landscape, 

its adverse ecological impact because of increased commuter 

traffic, and – most importantly – its devastating 

effect on adjacent traditional working class areas. Many 

feared the impacts of construction work extending to twenty- 

five years, rising taxes because of cost overruns, as 

well as increased traffic and pollution. 

Which key elements decided the fate of HB Südwest / Eurogate? 

Public opinion and stakeholders determination 

Right from the beginning, the project was very controversial. 

The sheer size and the sensitive spot in the heart 

of the city made it the focus of attention. None of 

the various development groups were ever able to convince 

a solid majority of the 

public about the quality and 

the benefits of their pro- 

ject. HB Südwest/Eurogate 

could never rid itself of 

its image as a purely techno- 

cratic and profit-driven 

project. In addition, there 

continued to be a signifi- 

cant critical mass always 

ready to challenge the pro- 

ject. And in those few and 

short windows of opportunity, 

when the go-ahead would have 

been possible, the promoters 

and developers lacked de- 

termination. In fact, SBB's 

internal policies were in- 

transparent and often contra- 

dictory. Their goals were 

too vague and prone to sudden 

redefinition. Developers did 

not show much perseverance 

in their commitment, and 

were unable to sustain stable 

coalitions. Diverging inte- 

rests and expectations made 

them just as volatile as 

the other stakeholders. The 

deplorable part played by 

Union Bank of Switzerland in 

the dramatic showdown of 2001 

is a perfect illustration 

of this dilemma (for details, 

see Wolff 2001). 

Democratic and legal rights 

The elaborate instruments 

of the Swiss model of direct 

democracy played another 

crucial role. Voting on con- 

tested issues, on all


political levels – municipal, cantonal, national – usually 

happens four times a year. Referendums are either mandatory 

elements of the decision-making process or they can 

be demanded by a specific number of voters. In the case 

of Zurich's main station there were two votes, in 1985 6 and 

in 1988 respectively. 7 Even though both referendums were 

decided in favour of the project, they delayed the develop- 

ment process, and were thus responsible for the loss of 

momentum at crucial moments. 

It must be underlined that the sheer holding of a re- 

ferendum prompts intense public debate, where issues are 

illuminated from all angles. Referendums play a decisive 

role in raising public awareness of issues of great public 

importance. Therefore, and while not clearly and easily 

understandable, even if these referendums are lost, they 

can contribute to a shift in general public opinion. The 

second referendum clearly showed this. It was won by the 

promoters, but only by 50.7%. This chance result was not 

enough to legitimize the promoters to continue at will. 

This result implied the mandate to seriously reconsider 

the opponents' arguments and, furthermore, to review the 

project. 

Three legal instruments played crucial roles in the plan- 

ning process. First, the old station building was listed 

in 1972 under the Monument Protection Act (Denkmalschutz), 

thus stopping the first planning attempt. Second, the 

federal Clean Air Act (Eidgenössische Luftreinhalteverordnung 

LRV) of 1985 made it possible to file a suit against 

polluters. Third, since 1966, national NGOs have the 

right to appeal against large building projects, thus en- 

abling VCS (Switzerland ecological transport association) 

to challenge the number of projected parking lots, which – 

as it turned out – became the decisive issue in the almost 

endless legal fight (Wolff 2004). 

Market forces 

When everything else seemed to have fallen into place and 

construction was ready to begin, the economic situation 

shattered the plans. Every time there was a chance to pro- 

ceed, in 1973, in 1992, and in 2001, the business environment 

was fragile, the global economic situation was 

uncertain, or the banks as main investors were in trouble. 

In 1973, it was the oil shock and the global economic 

recession that dealt the final blow to HB Südwest. In 1991, 

the collapse of the real estate market in the wake of 

another economic recession; and in 2001, after another real 

estate crisis, such mega-developments had definitely run 

out of time. Eurogate had become a dinosaur in a world 

that had changed. 

In the meantime, industrial decline had opened up new 

development opportunities in Zurich. Huge brownfield sites 

had become available on the fringes of the inner city, 

where it was easier and cheaper to build than on top of a 

busy main station. Areas like Zurich West or Zurich North 

drew attention and lured investments away from the inner 

city. It is also in these areas that a new and more flex- 

ible cooperative planning paradigm was successfully 

developed (Hofer 2004). 

Technical obstacles and the end 

In the end, technical obstacles came on top of everything 

else. By 2001, when it was decided to construct a second 

SBB underground terminal (Tiefbahnhof Löwenstrasse). As 

part of this major project, SBB had to realign the tracks 

in the station area, thus making it impossible to build 

above the railway lands for the next ten years. 

HB Südwest / Eurogate was 

too big, too expensive, too 

difficult, and last but not 

least too unconvincing. Over 

30 years of planning ended 

in shambles, with a total 

loss of 80 million Swiss 

francs, the folding of two 

consortia, and the near bank- 

ruptcy of architect Baenzi- 

ger's office. In the meantime, 

it had become clear 

that the project was hampered 

by one significant fauIt: 

its size and the required in- 

vestments were too large 

and they could not be phased. 

Decking the tracks could 

only be done in one go. As 

one of the most experienced 

real estate developers put 

it: "HB Südwest is too large 

for a city like Zurich. 

The market can't take it" 

(Stuart Lipton, 1998). 8 

Stadtraum HB / Europaallee 

The only value that remained 

unaffected by the multiple 

failures of HB Südwest / Euro- 

gate was the physical attrac- 

tion of the site. Zurich's 

boom as a global city con- 

tinued unbroken. The demand 

for inner city office space 

remained high despite new 

developments at the edges 

of the inner city in Zurich 

West, Neu-Oerlikon, and in 

the Glattal. The decision to 

build the second underground 

station (Löwenstrasse) 

further boosted the centrality 

of Zurich's main 

station. 

Thus, only two years after 

the final collapse of 

Eurogate, a total restart 

was announced. In 2003, the 

City of Zurich, SBB, and 

the Federal Post Office (the 

latter two were now semiprivatized), 

joined forces 

to start from scratch. Right 

from the beginning, they 

made it clear that they had 

learned their lessons and 

that nothing should remind 

anyone of HB Südwest / Euro- 

gate: there would be no 

decking of the tracks and 

there would be a new planner / 

architect. To underline the 

fact that the new project 

would restart with a clean 

slate, the project was re- 

branded Stadtraum HB 

(literally 'City Space Main 

Station'). 

6 

In September 1985, 

the popular ini- 

tiative 'HB Süd- 

west – So Nicht!' 

("Main Station 

Southwest – Not 

like this!") put 

forward by a citi- 

zens association 

was clearly 

rejected by 70% 

of voters. 

7 

In September 1988, 

the battle over 

the 'real estate 

development of the 

century' and the 

fight against the 

'folly above the 

rails' ('Das Un- 

ding über den 

Geleisen', Snozzi 

1987), was decided 

by a 50.7% vote in 

favour of the pro- 

moters' area 

development plan. 

8 

Stuart Lipton of 

Rosehaugh & 

Stanhope, one of 

London's major 

developers 

(responsible for 

projects like 

Broadgate/ Liver- 

pool Street 

Station), in a 

personal communi- 

cation with the 

author.


Instead of building across the tracks (fig. 2), the new 

project would stand flank the two sides of the tracks. 

Because new plans now stated that many of the sidetracks, 

including access to the post office, the provisional ex- 

tension of the station and shunting tracks would be given 

up, much more land became available. Also, the plot occupied 

by the Post Office's distribution centre 9 and further SBB 

plots in the northwestern vicinity were added to the build- 

ing site to allow for a development comparable in size to 

the old one. Thanks to this new setup, a phased piecemeal 

approach became possible. 

This total relaunch took place in a much changed political- 

economic environment. After many years of major uncer- 

tainty, Switzerland's economic and political future again 

looked much brighter and more reliable. First, a large 

number of so-called bilateral treaties was signed with 

the EU, amounting to de facto EU-membership minus voting 

rights. Second, the continuous attacks on the banking 

secrecy law were kept at bay and – at least temporarily – 

fended off. Third, contrary to the previous decades, 

on a national level Zurich was not anymore regarded as a 

presumptuous economic big mouth but its role as the eco- 

nomic motor of Switzerland became widely accepted. Fourth, 

this role was further strengthened by the successful 

attraction of new businesses like software research and 

development companies. 10 

The symbol of this political shift was the election of 

Elmar Ledergerber as city mayor in 2002. The former head 

of the building department represented the pragmatic, 

growth-friendly, neo-liberal wing of the social democratic 

party. Reinforced with newly-elected city councillors, 11 

local politics entered a (ongoing) phase of an incredibly 

harmonious neo-liberal-red-green coalition, equipped 

with full coffers and few worries. 

Railway politics had also changed fundamentally. In 1999, 

SBB were converted into a shareholder company, albeit with 

100% of its shares held by the state. In 2003, its real 

estate division became an independent company, with the 

clear aim to become the cash cow for SBB's operational ser- 

vices. Not only was SBB real estate obliged to pay for 

deficits of its passenger services but it should also help 

reconstruct the finances of SBB's pension fund (Wolff 2010 

and Marti et al. 2010). Stadtraum HB was clearly a cornerstone 

in this new policy. Urs Schlegel, head of SBB real 

estate, confirmed this by saying that he was 'expecting 

a higher rate of profit than with Eurogate' (NZZ, 5 March 

2004, p. 51). 

In view of all these changes, the outset for a restart was 

promising: Zurich's economy was strong and expanding with 

a high demand for quality office space; SBB was desperate 

to create additional income to cover gaps in their pension 

funds and to cross-subsidize passenger services; and 

Swiss Post Office as junior partner was ready to toss in 

valuable acreage in return for some nice money. 

A new planning process 

The new planning process was started with a series of 

workshops involving three teams of architects 12 working in 

a competitive cooperation accompanied by experts from 

the city's planning department. The public was included in 

the process via two sounding boards (Echoräume). This test 

planning, as it was called, started in September 2003 

(Hochparterre 2005, p. 7). 

The three project promoters – SBB, the City of Zurich, and 

the Post Office – specified the cornerstones of the project. 

2 – Stadtraum HB (white inserts) with Europaallee on south (left) 

side and smaller future extension 'Zollstrasse' on north side of 

tracks. © SBB 

It should be a mixed-use, 

dense, and lively new quarter 

of town, not a sterile 

office city. It should in- 

clude housing and emphasize 

attractive public or semipublic 

groundfloor uses. The 

image looming large behind 

all this was one of the tra- 

ditional European city at- 

tractively adapted to global 

urban standards. In sum, the 

teams should not propose a 

project but an urban development 

concept. 

Based on the test planning 

results, the team of architect 

Kees Christiaanse 13 was 

then commissioned to draw 

a masterplan for the area on 

both sides of the tracks. 

This plan placed special em- 

phasis on urban design, con- 

tinuing the existing streetscape, 

linking up with 

the existing neighbourhood, 

enhancing public squares 

(space) with public art, and 

dedicating groundfloors to 

public and semi-public uses. 

All of these measures not 

only abated many critics but 

were widely acclaimed by the 

wider public. 

The masterplan formed the 

basis for the SBB's outline 

development plan, which was 

approved by local parliament 

in December 2004. This out- 

line development plan only 

covers the larger 78'000 m 2 

area on the south side of 

the tracks, later relabelled 

Europaallee (see www.europa- 

allee.ch). The north side 

9 

In fact, a merely 

11-year-old post 

office building, 

built during the 

time when HB Süd- 

west was being 

planned, was demo- 

lished to make way 

for Europaallee. 

10 

Google and Micro- 

soft have joined 

long-time resi- 

dents IBM to 

strengthen Zurich 

as one of Europe's 

leading IT (re- 

search) centres. 

11 

City council 

elections of 2002: 

Elmar Ledergerber, 

social democrat, 

becomes mayor, 

plus three members 

are replaced by 

Martin Waser, 

social democrat, 

Andres Türler, 

liberal democrat, 

Martin Vollenwyder, 

liberal 

democrat. 

12 

Devanthéry & 

Lamunière Archi- 

tectes from 

Geneva, KCAP (Kees 

Christiaanse) from 

Rotterdam, and 

a Zurich-based team 

with Theo Hotz, 

Burkhalter Sumi 

Architekten, and 

Gigon/Guyer 

Architekten. 

13 

Christiaanse is 

also responsible 

for the masterplans 

of Hafen 

City in Hamburg, 

the London 

Olympics, and 

Science City in 

Zurich.


3 – Europaallee site and use plan, 2010. © SBB, text additions by Richard Wolff. 

Pictures taken from http://www.europaallee.ch/maincontent/projekt/nutzungskonzept/index_en.php 

1 Europaplatz (new) 

2 Sihlquai-Passage (existing 

but much widened underpass and 

shopping arcade) 

3 Gustav-Gull-Platz (new) 

4 Lagerstrasse (existing) 

5 Europaallee (new) 

6 Teacher Training University 

7 New pedestrian bridge across 

river 

8 New pedestrian bridge across 

tracks 

9 Kasernenstrasse (existing) 

Buildings and uses 

(in order of construction) 

A1 Sihlpost (built) 

Retail/Restaurant: 

approx. 1,000 sqm 

Offices: approx. 10,000 sqm 

A2 Shopping centre / PHZH, 

Teacher Training University 

(under construction) 



Remaining space let to 

Pädagogische Hochschule Zürich 

A3 Private bank Clariden Leu 

(under construction) 

Retail/Restaurant: 1,200 sqm 

Remaining space let to 

Clariden Leu 

C UBS (under construction) 



Remaining space let to UBS 

To be built between approx. 

2011 and 2016 

E (finished 2014) 



Offices: to let, 


Apartments to let: 


approx. 64 apartments 

The remaining space let 

to Swisscanto bank 

G (2015) 




Condominium apartments: 


approx. 42 apts 

Homes for the elderly: 

7,400 sqm, approx. 70 apts 

H (2016) 




Rental apartments: 


Hotel: approx. 6,000 sqm, 

130 rooms 

Will be built after 2015 

B Retail/Restaurant: 



D Retail/Restaurant: 



F Retail/Restaurant: 



Rental apartments: 

approx. 10,000 sqm


of the tracks, Zollstrasse, will only be developed after 

the year 2017 and will follow a separate planning process 

(see below). Christiaanse proposed 320'000 m 2 floor space, 

divided into eight separate plots (fig. 3) with mixed 

uses for shopping, housing, public spaces, a school, and 

a hotel. Whereas the specific mix may not seem new at all 

(all of Baenziger's projects had suggested pretty much 

the same use-mix), there was an unquestionable advantage: 

this project did not have to be built in one go. 

Opponents demand a referendum 

Despite concessions and improvements, critical voices per- 

sisted: the high density of the project caused much 

concern; the use-mix with mostly office space and only 16% 

of housing was still heavily criticised, especially as the 

(already small share of) housing will consist of luxury 

housing, expensive retirement homes, and even a hotel, 

which qualifies as housing under Zurich's building code. 

Ground floor usage was deemed user-unfriendly, alien to 

the neighbourhood, and unsafe; the lack of affordable 

housing and public infrastructure, the bad design of pub- 

lic space, and the lack of planning gains whatsoever for 

the public were other arguments against the project. 14 

Opponents also denounced the blatant lack of public parti- 

cipation in the planning process. The so-called cooperative 

planning process chosen to achieve the outline development 

plan basically involved planning behind closed doors by 

the administration and the developers while excluding the 

public. Two open public meetings of two hours were the 

sole concession. 

The strongest objections were those against the inten- 

sified gentrification of the neigbourhood, still dominated 

by the working class, immigrants, students, members of 

the artsy avantgarde, and political activists. Stadtraum 

HB was seen as an extension of Zurich's business centre, 

as such posing a threat to low rents, neighbourhood shops, 

small industry, low-end shops and bars. The long-time 

inhabitants feared the intrusion of bankers, brokers, and 

other white collar employees, into their refuge. 

Neighbourhood initiatives, critical planners and architects, 

leftist and green parties, and the ecological trans- 

port association VCS took turns to rally and orchestrate 

popular resistance. Considering their limited financial 

and personal resources, their impact was enormous. The 

opposing camp collected almost 6,000 signatures to demand 

a city-wide referendum on the outline development plan 

(www.stadtlabor.ch). Ironically, the leading architect of 

all previous station projects, Ralph Baenziger, stood at 

the forefront of the protest. He joined forces with 

the community activists, the left and the radical green 

parties, spending his own money and time to combat his 

successors' project. 

On 24 September 2006, Stadtraum HB was approved by 65% of 

Zurich's electorate. 15 Not even the most heavily affected 

districts had voted against the project. Resistance had 

clearly crumbled over time. Not only because the project 

without the decking of the tracks seemed less menacing, 

but also because there had been a shift in the neighbourhood's 

demography. Over the course of the last two de- 

cades, many longstanding inhabitants had left, most 

of them in the 1990s because of the rampant drug scene in 

Zurich's notorious needle park (Heller 1995, Bänziger 

1990). Others were forced out when gentrification began 

after the dispersal of the drug scene (Stadtrat von Zürich 

2004) and programmes against the red light district, 

like langstrasse Plus, started to be effective (Schmid and 

Weiss 2004). 

Europaallee: 

Evaluation and Outlook 

Construction commenced 

in 2009. Currently (April 

2011), two thirds of the 

area already have designated 

uses. Overall, 6,000 jobs 

and about 400 apartments 

will be located in Europaallee. 

The first building 

to be completed is Zurich's 

teacher training college 

(Pädagogische Hochschule 

Zürich, PHZ) for 1,800 stu- 

dents. The next projects are 

those for the headquarters 

for UBS for about 1,800 

employees (despite massive 

losses in the global financial 

crisis), private bank 

Clariden Leu, Swisscanto 

(the umbrella association of 

Switzerland's cantonal banks, 

as such the third largest 

Swiss bank), 400 mostly ex- 

pensive apartments (both for 

sale and for rent), senior 

citizen apartments, and a 

hotel. Much of the ground 

floor space has been allocated 

to shops, restaurants, 

and leisure facilities. The 

remaining plots B, D, and F 

are currently being used as 

a provisional station. They 

will be developed only after 

completion of the underground 

station. 

The other side of the tracks, 

Zollstrasse, will be developed 

only after 2015. Having 

learned from some harsh 

criticism against their spe- 

culative real estate strategies, 

as demonstrated in 

Europaallee, SBB seemed to 

have somehow lowered their 

profit expectations. In the 

first public meeting, held 

in November 2010, they 

presented a development with 

four buildings. The one 

closest to the station will 

serve railway administration 

purposes, the two buildings 

in the middle would offer 

private rental and for sale 

apartments, and the building 

on the corner of Langstrasse 

would serve cooperative 

housing. Overall, Stadtraum 

HB will be finished by about 

2020, over 50 years after 

the first competition for HB 

Südwest was launched. 

14 

See: http://www. 

stadtlabor.ch/ 

uber-5976unterschriftenfur-referendumstadtraumhb/#more-1167, 

accessed 25 

October 2010. 

15 


stadtzuerich.ch/ 

content/dam/stzh/ 

portal/Deutsch/ 

Abstimmungen%20 

%26%20 

Wahlen/060924/ 

Resultate_ 

Vorlage%202.pdf.


Who won, who lost? 

Comparing the old plans and the current product 

So what has been gained compared to the old HB Südwest / 

Eurogate plans? Is this project better or worse than 

the original one? What was improved, who won, who lost? 

How have the extended planning process and prolonged 

resistance affected the project? 

The central aim of extending Zurich's limited central 

business district into the station area and of better 

using the railway lands has definitely been achieved, 

albeit with a different approach. As a consequence of the 

decision to build the new underground terminal and the 

Post Office's decision to give up its distribution centre, 

large parts of the trackfield became available for a 

development without expensive decking structures. In ad- 

dition, extra railway plots were added in the northwestern 

part of the plot to further enlarge the project area. 

By leaving the area over the main tracks untouched, much 

resistance and many problems were side-tracked. Still, 

the amount of total floor space and the mix of uses have 

remained within the same range. Of course, the land which 

would have been won by the decking is now not available. 

However, it must be repeated, it would have been expensive 

to create that land; the fact that its development could 

not be phased was one of the main economic reasons to stop 

the project. 

The significant difference from an urban design perspective 

comes with abandoning the decking of the tracks. 

As a major gain, railway access to Zurich and the station 

platforms enjoy daylight exposure. The physical appearance 

and the perception of the station – including the trackfield 

– in the city have as such been preserved. What has 

been lost is the broad deck connection across the tracks 

between the two neighourhoods, districts 4 and 5, a fea- 

ture many would have welcomed. 

Whereas the physical project has changed and its substance 

has been adapted, the effects have by and large remained 

the same. Still, looking at the final outcome of the mixed 

use development under construction some of the results 

can be seen as a compromise after struggle lasting fifty 

years. More public space and semi-public ground floor uses, 

perhaps even the teacher training college in this location, 

can be listed on the positive side of the balance sheet. 

Some expensive apartments, senior citizen accommodation, a 

hotel, and much office space in a central location can be 

seen as positive or negative, depending on the standpoint. 

From the opponents' point of view, the struggle for a more 

modest, eco-friendly, neighbourhood-protecting development 

has largely been lost. Europaallee does not have much to 

offer to the existing social environment. Its enrichening 

contribution will be marginal, limited to some new shops, 

slightly more public space, but all not corresponding much 

with the needs and desires of the area's current inhabitants. 

Europaallee is a stepping stone for the further 

expansion of the central business district into traditional 

working class areas. Whether and how much the adjacent 

neighbourhood will be gentrified and to what extent this 

is an effect of Europaallee will probably remain disputed. 

Where does this development take Zurich as a whole? 

The history of HB Südwest and its result as Stadtraum HB 

have taught the City of Zurich, its planners, politicians, 

developers, and corporate elite a number of important 

lessons. First, Stadtraum HB has proven that it is still 

possible to realize large scale projects in Zurich. After 

a number of failed or still contested projects (Zurich's 

Convention Centre, Kleeblatt 

highrise apartments, Hardturm 

football stadium), this 

is politically important. 

With Stadtraum HB Zurich has 

also created a new gateway 

for those entering the city 

by rail. Looking from the 

opposite direction, the tra- 

ditional central business 

district of Bahnhofstrasse 

has been extended and 

strengtened. 

Second, Stadtraum HB / Europa- 

allee has also shown that an 

appropriate planning process 

is crucial for this type 

of (mega-)project. In stark 

contrast to its predecessors 

depending on a costly deck 

across the tracks as a lump 

pre-investment, Europaallee 

has allowed for a piecemeal 

approach in pace with eco- 

nomic up- and downturns. 

Giving up the decking and 

realigning the project's 

parameters was also instrumental 

in breaching the 

oppositional lines. 

Thirdly, Europaallee and its 

pre-history have clearly 

shown the limits of private 

public partnerships, which 

in the Zurich case are label- 

led as a 'cooperative plan- 

ning process'. Politically, 

the attempts to sideline 

democracy with the muchlauded 

but undemocratic co- 

operative planning process 

have failed. From a planning 

perspective, the limits to 

outline development plans 

have become obvious. Public 

participation remains the 

key factor to successful 

planning. The political and 

legal struggles have made it 

clear that without a very 

broad consensus, projects of 

this size and scope cannot 

be realized within a useful 

time frame. Planning expe- 

rience from brownfield deve- 

lopments in Zürich Nord and 

Zürich West, gathered while 

HB Südwest tumbled from one 

crisis into the next, helped 

develop more intelligent co- 

operation processes. Europa- 

allee is thus also a new 

approach to urban development. 

The specific style of 

planning and development 

represents a more sensitive 

and inclusionary approach 

to urban development. Taking 

into consideration many


of the opponents' arguments and combining them with 

developers' goals in a both economically and politically 

viable way was the key to success. 

Within a more comprehensive view on urban development, 

some critical remarks must be added. Stadtraum HB is part 

of the adaptation process aligning Zurich and Switzerland 

with the ongoing globalisation of urban development and 

transnational competition between cities (Hochparterre 2005, 

p. 3). "There is a strong tendency to sell our cities to 

those who are able and willing to pay the most. Thus, cities 

are becoming exclusive places for international investments 

and privileged people, leading towards an increasing 

economization of urban life" (INURA Zurich 2009, p. 2). 

The details of the development Stadtraum HB have now been 

largely decided on but further struggles are in sight. The 

future of the extended SBB landed property on both sides 

of the railway tracks is currently heavily disputed. There 

are plans to continue the development of railway lands on 

both sides of the tracks further outwards. The total pro- 

spective building area is around 500'000 m 2 (Amt für Städte- 

bau 2004, p. 12). As yet, it is not clear what will happen 

there (NZZ, 23 December 2008; Tages Anzeiger, 20 February 

2009). 

Demands are wide and varied, often contrary to SBB's 

aspirations to maximise profits. Affordable housing, work- 

shops, and storage space for small industry, spaces for 

creative enterprises (Klaus 2009), and cultural venues are 

only the most prominent demands. Whether or not they can 

prevail over demands for higher profits, more office space, 

and representative buildings is the contested issue of 

politics. 

References 

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(2004). The contested Metropolis – 

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tive Microenterprises: Between Sub- 

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(2004), pp. 261–267. 

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Modellfall". In: Ginsburg, Theo et. al. 

(1986), pp. 38–35. 

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vergolden oder Städte formen". In: Hoch- 

parterre (2010), pp. 16–25. 

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machen die SBB ihr Land zu Geld. In den 

nächsten Jahren will die Bahn in Zürich 

über 2,4 Milliarden Franken in Bau- 

projekte investieren", In: Neue Zürcher 

Zeitung (23.12.2008), p. 47. 

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Stadt rückt an die Bahngleise. Neue Pla- 

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Verdichtung statt Wahrheit. Diskussionsbeiträge 

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die Lücke – Ypsilon und N4". In: Gins- 

burg, Theo et. al. (1986), pp. 36–43. 

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trag von luigi snozzi an der POcH- 

Veranstaltung vom 13. Mai 1987. POCH 

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(1986). "Aussersihl – zwischen Schlacht- 

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studies of eight railway areas in 

Switzerland. 

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cgi-bin/show.pl?type=diss&nr=13226.


the Production of the 

Public. exPeriences from 

mumbai 

Prasad Shetty & Rupali Gupte 

The idea of public is central to urban planning. Most decisions in planning processes are 

taken in the name of the public. Public infrastructure, public spaces, public amenities, 

and so forth, are commonly used terms in the planners' vocabulary. Public here is agreed 

as all people or everybody. There is an entirety promised in the idea of the public, 

which is understood to be a clear entity. As any ambiguity or complications in the idea 

of public would destabilize planning, conceptual discussions on this subject are taboo 

for the discipline. Hence there is a conceptual closure of the idea, where the public explicitly 

means a definite entity. The messy urban conditions of Mumbai provide a clear 

illustration of how opening up the idea of public would destabilize planning processes. 

For instance, in the design of streets, a certain width is considered to accommodate pe- 

destrians and vehicles. However, a street in the city of Mumbai is often used and claimed 

in multiple ways – by hawkers erecting their stalls, by shops extending their boundaries, 

by new shops opening, and so forth. Slowly, the street converts itself into a shopping 

place (fig. 1). Being unable to accommodate the new activities, the street becomes congested 

and becomes an instance of the failure of the plan. While making the plan, the planner 

assumes the street to be a public space (infrastructure) – to be used by all people – but 

only for walking and driving. The planner further assumes the public to be pedestrians 

and car drivers who have no claims over the road, but use it to pass through. The planner 

can only handle such clearly defined and closed ideas of the public (without claims) for 

designing the street. Any attempt at a conceptual opening-up of the idea would make 

the situation unmanageable for the planner. Closer material examination of how streets 

are worked out as public spaces would clarify the difficulties arising from handling the 

conceptual opening up. 

Planning uses the language of cartography to define and recognize property using points, 

lines and polygons, which represent positions, edges, and bounded spaces respectively. 

In defining and recognising property, polygons with clear boundaries are used along with 

a record of rights (that connects each polygon with a name of the owner). Any change 

in the polygons (and hence property) can only take place through elaborate administrative 

and legal processes of amalgamation and subdivisions. Property defined through cartography 

needs clear polygons with stable edges. The street is typically defined as space 

between polygons, which is not claimed by anyone (other than the state). The clearly 

defined public of the planner is supposed to use this space to pass through and do nothing 

else. But if the idea of the public is to be opened up to include the claims of hawkers, 

informal occupiers, and other claimants, then an unstable condition is expected where 

positions change, edges mutate, and spaces morph as these claims are not fixed and clear. 

The clarity of cartography has an inherent inability to deal with such instabilities of 

positions, edges and spaces – and, by further implication, planning is hence also unable 

to deal with it. While it takes years to change the polygons of property on the cartographic 

map – on the street it happens every hour. Recognizing such unclear claims hence 

becomes unmanageable for the planner as there is no language for dealing with such a 

scenario. The idea of the public is also not opened up to include the claims for another 

reason: this would mean recognizing the claims and installing a degree of formality to 

them. This would be in contradiction with the property regimes in the city and the state 

will be unable to deal with such contradictions. Hence in many ways, the planner is forced 

not to recognize such claims and to use a closed idea of the public for making the plan. 

In the above discussion, the imagination of the planner forges a public which includes 

only pedestrians and car drivers. The entirety promised in the idea of the public is 

not possible on the ground. Hence, the idea of the public is not an established entirety, 

but rather a production (in this case, by the planner) for a specific purpose (in this 

case, the making of a plan). We argue that the idea of the public is a production/imagi- 

nation rather than an established condition. It is produced for various reasons – as 

an object for consumption, as an ethic, as a space, and also as a strategy. We start from 

this claim, and aim to discuss the multiple ways in which the public becomes produced.


1 — Road 

2 — Public Art 

7 — Bandra Open Space 8 — NGO-Board


Public as object 

A conceptual closing of the idea of the public produces the public as an object – for 

easy consumption. In the above discussion, the planner produces the public as a homogenous 

mass (of pedestrians and car drivers), with singular needs (of passing through). 

This public is an object – to be consumed to make plans. The production of the public 

as an object is best captured in the practices of public art. 

There is a recent surge in the art practices concerned with the public. There are typically 

three ways in which these practices work out. The first one is where the artist takes 

up the cause of the disadvantaged, the oppressed, and the exploited. The typical modus ope- 

randi is to bare the facts about the disadvantage, exploitation, and oppression, and 

to present it to the world in creative ways expecting the arousal of large-scale outrage 

against the advantage-takers, the exploiters, and the oppressors. In this case, the whole 

purpose of art is to make it useful for a cause. The second one is slightly different 

in its intentions – these are the practices that become fascinated with material that is 

so to say unusual. The modes of operation in these practices include entering the depths 

of such material, knowing about it, and doing something with it. Here the question is 

not how art becomes useful to the cause but rather how the unusual material becomes useful 

to art. Various kinds of archiving practices are examples of this category of practice. 

However, the most vulgar form of this kind is the engagement with remote communities 

(tribes, for instance) and then work with them and bring their art to the city to be shown 

in the gallery space. The third are works that expect public engagement. These could be 

in form of objects installed within the gallery or outside in the city; or could even be 

performances and workshops involving the public. Intentions here include provoking the 

public, sensitizing it, or even simply expecting a response from unusual interventions in 

urban spaces. 

The interrogation of relationships between the artist, the art object, and the public cast 

light on the problems of this kind of art. Various questions – Who is the public? What 

is the relationship of the artist with the public? What does such art do to the public? 

Does the public require such art? What happens when this art is sold? – emerge when such 

an interrogation is undertaken. Such questioning also reinforces the contention that the 

public is produced as an object in these kinds of works. The public is either represen- 

ted in the art, or engaged with it during the production process, or is expected to engage 

with the art as it is produced or after it has been produced. The public, however, re- 

mains external to the artist and the art object. The art is either for, about, or by the 

public. The artist becomes a representative, interpreter, employer, or curator of the 

public, but seldom part of it. This externalization of the public turns it into an object 

to be consumed – by being represented, spoken about, employed, or curated. While these 

works claim to be public art, they end up producing the public as an object (fig. 2). 

Public as ethic 

The 1974 Bollywood blockbuster ROTI (directed by Manmohan Desai) contains a song on 

the idea of the public. Written by Anand Bakshi, the song is sung by Kishore Kumar 

and enacted by Rajesh Khanna. The opening lyrics, 'yeh jo public hai, ye sab jaanti hai, 

aji andar kya hai, aji bahar kya hai, ye sab kuchh pehchaanti hai' (This public, it is 

aware of everything, whatever is inside, whatever is outside, it recognizes everything), 

themselves bestow upon the idea of public an almost eternal all-knowing characterization. 

In the video, Rajesh Khannna walks along with a large crowd of people, but looks out of 

the screen talking to the audience and explaining the concept of the public. The song is 

shot at three locations – a street with a procession, a public meeting, and a park, clear- 

ly identifying with the popular understanding of the public. Along with the image and 

notions about the idea of the public, the song also encapsulates the power associated with 

it – namely, the power of encompassing knowledge about everything. The video of the song 

suggests the source of this power, which is the crowd. Rajesh Khanna acts simultaneously 

on behalf of the crowd and as a part of the crowd. Throughout the song he is involved 

in exposing many secrets of people. The suggestion that nothing escapes the many eyes of 

this crowd is amply (though simplistically) clarified. Here the public is produced as a 

watchdog, a guardian of truth, the bearer of knowledge, and a magnanimous whole above an 

individual. The individual is not only being watched by the public, but is also accountable 

and answerable to the public. The public here is produced as an ethic. 

The production of the public as an ethic could be best described through the activities 

of the media. The high-decibled and aggressive television anchors of Indian news channels 

are generally seen pushing the politician/bureaucrat by repeatedly stating, 'today the 

public wants an answer…'. Although annoyed, the politicians/bureaucrats offer defensive 

responses to explain their position. However, they never ask the question, 'Who are you 

to ask that question?' or 'Who is the public?' The public here is not only produced as a 

set of people, but more as an ethic that cannot be challenged. In another instance, a few 

years ago, the government banned women dancers from the bars of Mumbai, stating that they 

were creating an immoral condition in the city. A small group of people opposed the ban


by arguing that the bars provided livelihood to the women and that such a ban would force 

the dancers into starvation or prostitution. The media conducted opinion polls asking 

people if they supported the ban and continuously flashed the results of the poll – an 

overwhelming majority of the people who took the poll supported the ban. Using the form 

of an opinion poll, the media had produced a public that was for the ban and which corrobo- 

rated the government's position of bar dancing being an immoral activity. Here again the 

media produced the public as an ethic. 

Public as space 

The trains of Mumbai carry about six million people every day (fig. 3). The basic unit of 

a train is a seat. Three seats make a row. Two rows are arranged facing each other. The gap 

between the two rows is efficiently designed such that when people sit there is just 

about a three-inch space between the knees of persons sitting opposite each other. Four 

such sets of rows are arranged to make one bay with a gangway between the rows. The doors 

of the compartments are located between the bays. Three bays make a compartment. Each train 

has nine to fourteen compartments. Each twelve-compartment train with a seating capacity 

of about eight hundred and sixty persons carries more than four and a half thousand 

persons during peak hours (fig. 4). A recent transportation survey by the Mumbai Metropolitan 

Region Development Authority recorded that during peak hours, the highest density 

spot in the Mumbai local train has sixteen persons per square meter floor area (fig. 5). 

While this occurs between the two bays near the doors of the train, the inner areas with 

seats have better conditions. Rigorous discipline is followed to manage the crowd. Four 

persons sit in a row with three seats. The fourth person cannot sit on the seat upright 

as there is no space so he/she sits perpendicular to the direction of the seat such 

that only a part of his/her behind rests on the seat and the remaining part of the body 

spills out into the gangway. People carefully occupy the spaces between the legs of the 

seated passengers to stand. Three such persons generally occupy the spaces between the two 

rows of seats. Getting on and off the train is managed with utmost discipline such that 

one part of the door is left for people to board and the other part is from where people 

disembark. As spaces between the bays near the doors are extremely crowded, some people 

have to travel standing on the doorway (the train's doors are never closed), such that 

they have only parts of their feet inside the train and rest of the body hangs out (fig. 6). 

They hinge themselves with their hands gripping some pole or rod of the train's interior. 

However as this is the best spot to get fresh air, a lot of people prefer to occupy the 

doorway. These people get off and on during every stop of the train to allow others to 

exit and enter. Persons not familiar with the disciplines of the crowd are first rebuked 

by others for their ignorance, but later helped to become accommodated. Men and women 

travel in different compartments. 

Journeys generally vary between forty five minutes to one hour and a half. As journeys are 

long, people make friends on the way. These friends meet and prefer to travel together 

at the same time every day. A group forms like this, which follows a definite time to board 

the train. Such groups board only specific trains coming at a specific time. For example, 

the group travelling on the 08.57 a.m. train will not only travel by on 08.57 a.m. train 

every day, but it will also use the same compartment or sometimes even the same bay. 

People belonging to a group find it easy to board the train as they are generally helped 

by others. Seats are exchanged between people sitting and standing after half the journey. 

Throughout the journey, these travelling companions talk, tease each other, share food, 

and sometimes also sing songs. Today every train (and sometimes more than one compartment 

in a single train) between 06.30 a.m. to 10.30 a.m. in the morning has an organized 

singing group that sings devotional songs. These groups also return in the same manner in 

the evenings, but in the evenings they sing all kinds of songs – usually from Bollywood. 

The compartments with such singing groups attract more people as they provide a good 

source of entertainment and are significantly more crowded than other compartments on the 

same train. The group has its own dynamics – leadership is assumed, conflicts are resolved, 

problems are addressed, etc. New social configurations come into existence. These configurations 

make spaces in the journey livable and even enjoyable despite being extremely 

uncomfortable. These are spaces where an important part of social life is lived – this is 

the most important public space of Mumbai. Here it is not the physical place that produces 

a public space, but it is the travellers and their journeying which produce a public 

as space – to be occupied by themselves and others. Their songs could be considered 

public art – being produced by the public for itself. The artists, the art, and the pub- 

lic are all one here. This is public as space. 

In the production of public as space, the idea of the private is not in traditional 

opposition with the idea of the public. On the other hand, many private individuals contri- 

bute to the making of this public (as a space). In fact, such an idea of the private 

(as a subset of the public and not as a contrast to the public) seems more relevant to 

affirming the idea of the public as an entirety and meaning everybody.


Public as strategy 

In mid 2003, leading Mumbai newspapers carried articles stating that the government had 

allotted a piece of land in Bandra (a suburb of Mumbai) to certain developers. The news- 

papers also mentioned that the developers intended to develop commercial and residential 

real-estate on the site (fig. 7). This land was marked as a recreational ground in the 

Development Plan (the Master Plan) of the city and belonged to the Housing Authority. Due 

to its location, this piece of land was prime property and was valued at Rs. 200 Crores 

in the year 2003. Disturbed by the news, the Residents' Association of the neighboring 

apartments decided to approach the Bombay High Court with a plea for maintaining the use 

of this land as a recreational ground. The members of the Association were inspired by 

the case of Oval Maidan (another recreational ground in South Mumbai). The Oval Residents' 

Association had fought a court case, where they argued that the Maidan (large open space) 

was under severe threat of abuse and misuse as the Municipal Corporation was unable to 

maintain it. They also insisted that the responsibility of maintaining it should be handed 

over to the Oval Residents' Association. The Mumbai High Court had instructed the Resident's 

Association to prove their capacity in a pilot period of one year to organise 

resources and improve the Maidan. Subsequently the Residents' Association, with the help 

of several private groups, upgraded the open space. They made several small interventions: 

the area was fenced, the open space was levelled for efficient drainage, areas for 

different purposes were demarcated and several private agencies were appointed to use and 

maintain the area. Following the success of the first year, the court asked the Municipal 

Corporation to hand over the maintenance of the Maidan to the Oval Residents' Association. 

The Residents' Association from Bandra approached an urban research group to help them 

with their intentions. They asked the research group to prepare a two-part document – the 

first part containing arguments for the court case towards keeping the space open and not 

allowing the government to hand it over to a private developer; the second part comprised 

designs for the improvement of the open space and (organizational and financial) plans 

for its maintainance. This document was not only prepared for the court, but it was also 

for the private parties who were to invest in the development of the area as well as 

for the various state and private institutions whose blessings were required for the deve- 

lopment of the space. The Residents' Association wanted to prepare itself to take over 

the open space like the case of Oval Maidan. 

The research group strategized the first part containing arguments for the court case 

around the ideas of public space. It made a detailed report, empirically proving the 

shortage of public open space in the area and the need to keep this place open for public 

use. So far this was simple. However things became complicated in the second part. The 

research group started the project with a detailed survey of the space and the community 

that was going to use it. They found that a part of the space was being occupied by a 

small informal settlement. Also, the open space was used by the dwellers of this settlement 

as well as other informal settlements in the neighborhood. There were also other 

users of the open space like occasional hawkers who sold their wares around the open space. 

Part of the open space was rented for exhibitions and other community activities like 

marriages. On the other hand, interviews with the members of the Residents' Association 

of the apartments indicated that they wanted to enjoy the benefits of open space for 

environmental reasons (ecological balance, ventilation, and breathing space) and also for 

cultural ones (recreational purposes, social and cultural gatherings). They were specifically 

concerned about the elderly and the children. A number of them did not have a 

problem with the land being developed into congruent activities like a Gymnasium, Sports 

Centre, Exhibition hall, Community Hall, Library, Swimming Pool, Theatre, etc. The entire 

group, however, was unanimous about its dislikes: it did not like the slum-dwellers and 

hawkers using the open space and felt that parcelling the land for other activities 

like exhibition and marriages was a public nuisance. The Residents' Association insisted 

that the space be developed as a public space and that non-congruent activities (like 

informal settlements, hawking, community activities, etc.) should not be allowed. They 

wanted the research group to develop the project with all these demands. 

The research group found itself in a dilemma – while it was the research group itself that 

had produced the idea of the public as a strategy to save the open space from predatory 

developers, the idea of the public was highjacked and reproduced by the Residents' Associa- 

tion to evict the informal settlers from the open space. The idea of the public was 

produced as a strategy, but it was double edged: while it was useful against appropriation, 

it was also problematic when used as an intolerant and indiscriminate instrument (fig. 8). 

While we have identified a few ways in which the idea of the public is produced, there may 

be many more ways in which this production must be taking place. We have not aimed to list 

all the ways in which the public is produced – there cannot be such an exhaustive list. In- 

stead, we have first sought to explore the idea of the public as being the result of a pro- 

cess of production; and secondly, we have operationalised this idea by tracing some of the 

conceptual trajectories in which the production of the public takes place in urban Mumbai.


6 — Mumbai Local Train, Photo Courtesy of Ranjit Kandalgaonkar 

3 — Mumbai Local Train 

Photo Courtesy of Ranjit Kandalgaonkar 

4 — Train (Vinita Ghatne) 

5 — Local Train, Mumbai


understanding 

the Public and 

the chinese 

contemPorary 

Li Zhenhua 

What is the public? 

The concept of the public only exists in relation to the 

private. We are talking about the public that is represented 

through squares, restaurants, train stations, and other 

types of public spaces. This is a concept based on space, 

power, and the idea of sharing responsibilities. It is 

primarily a prediction and a keyword, inseparable from an 

apparent agenda. 

Since 1949, several typical expressions have been used to 

describe the interrelation between ideology and reality. 

These include the masses, the people, the liberation army 

soldier, the student and so on. All these words were used 

only to convey this ideology of the public. None has ever 

represented any individual being, but they have served 

only as a replacement for identity – especially class and 

political identity. Institutional changes led to the 

collapse of this semiotic system. This transition was of 

tremendous significance, and its traces even withdrew from 

government propaganda. Instead, terms like people, public, 

friends came to represent certain groups for a certain 

time. While they have lost their former apparent political 

class indication, these terms have turned into impalpable 

representations of a continuously changing mass politic. 

Already before the introduction of communism to China, there 

had been a period of constant rising and falling of great 

revolutions. China was in a special state of transition 

from feudal to civil society, mimicking revolutionary practi- 

ces from Europe and the former Soviet Union. Public speeches 

(impromptu performances) advanced the notion of democracy, 

generated the impulse for the people's awakening, and 

created the preconditions for revolution and insurrection. 

All of that was different from the Chinese people's former 

understanding of the public, the private, feudalism, demo- 

cracy, dictatorship, etc. As many scholars have pointed 

out, under the circumstances in China back then, the con- 

cept of the nation state was only gradually understood and 

accepted. Neither did it have any characteristics nor did 

it target any special group of people, but rather it became 

only vaguely visible when an iniquitous incident occurred. 

Under those circumstances, any person or party who had 

understood prevailing social reality could have used the 

absence of the public to create any kind of common ideology. 

The public discussed here is a constructed one. Similar 

people have a similar understanding of society. Through 

learning and observing, society, indeed even the world, 

can be understood and the more abundant such knowledge, the 

greater the potential to become open-minded. As a construct, 

the public can be traced back to the Chinese Communist 

revolution, whose propaganda and broadcasts are perfect 

practical examples of the concept. 

1 

Liang Qichao was a 

Chinese scholar, 

journalist, 

philosopher, and 

reformist during 

the Qing Dynasty 

(1644–1911). He 

inspired Chinese 

scholars with his 

writings and 

reform movements. 

2 

Ta Kung Pao, 

founded 1902 in 

Tianjing, was 

one of the most 

important news- 

papers during 

Republican China. 

It was re-issued 

in Hong Kong in 

1948, and is the 

oldest active 

Chinese language 

paper today. 

The Long March (October 1934 – October 1936) is the best 

evidence for this kind of understanding. This revolutionary 

route was a necessity. It was not taken by choice, 

however, but created an even more expansive public space. 

Before, the public sphere was often confined to the class 

struggle between education and urbanity; moreover, it 

was always under Soviet influence, but ultimately these 

struggles ended in failure. 

The revolutionary base, created through the Long March, 

and the vast revolutionary masses by far exceeded the 

number of residents in the cities. This also established 

mass mobilization as a main strategy of the revolution and 

consolidated the leadership position of Mao Zedong. One 

could argue that the Communist Party's propaganda strategies 

and methods still have an immediate effect. Whether 

they concern foreign affairs policies or the regimentation 

of internal information, they are all under strong control 

and supervision. Since that time, propaganda has turned 

into an instrument of the government, seizing hold of all 

kinds of cultural forms, and gradually infiltrating every 

aspect of the Chinese people's understanding of the world 

and society. 

Between 1900 and 1949, the public sphere for urban intellectual 

movements was also created. Through the writings, 

publications, and speeches of those intellectuals, modern 

culture and knowledge started to spread. For a certain 

period, China found itself in a special state, a need awak- 

ened for independence and individuality, civil rights 

and the freedom of speech. Liang Qichao (1873 – 1929) took 

the first step. 1 Based on his knowledge of the world, he 

started to compare times of change and the inevitable trans- 

formations in China with those occurring globally. These 

considerations were evoked through the elite intellectual 

class' reflections on the change of dynasties, but also 

through his newspaper publishing work during his stay in 

Japan, as well as through his later employment as a 

teacher. 

The next step was taken with the release of the first edi- 

tion of Ta Kung Pao on 17 June 1902. 2 Further, the popularization 

of movies and many other cultural forms in the 

early 1920s showed for one thing that the level of freedom 

in China had reached an unprecedented state, for another 

that with this circulation and popularization of European 

and American technology, a post-industrial, globalized 

appearance of the world was created. 

After 1949, attention should be directed towards the newly 

created public sphere called the square. Traditionally, 

people gathered at commercial and law enforcement areas, 

like East and West markets, and the execution ground. Only


After 2003, the creative industries saw an even more exten- 

sive promotion by the government. As part of this strategy, 

many premises became available to be used as galleries, 

studios, private museums, companies, and so forth; culture 

turned into a product and started to drift away from its 

former ideology. This development was not only triggered 

by the government, but also by the people: political resis- 

tance completely disappeared from the scene, most conflicts 

concentrated on profit and relations, and political mani- 

festos or cries for spiritual and physical freedom were no 

longer heard of. 

In 2005, at the first China Blogger Conference, public 

communities started to come alive online. The mere fact that 

this conference took place demonstrated the significance 

of these communities. A new kind of public space was created, 

one which differed from the physical world and whose exis- 

tence was restricted to virtual space. 

Since the creation of public space through the interlinking 

of private spheres, a consistency of concepts between 

physical space and cyberspace has come into being. Through 

its convenience and technological power, cyberspace has 

already become China's most important private – but at the 

same time also most public – space today; it is moreover 

also the most extensive sphere of information exchange. 

Of course, this has also brought a series of prohibitions 

and the development of subsequent wall climbing techniques 

(ways of bypassing the state firewall). Twitter, YouTube, 

Vimeo, Facebook, and other public websites from the West, 

but also some private Chinese blogs, are all affected 

by official censorship. Furthermore, it also concerns the 

search for certain sensitive keywords. 

More and more people are growing aware of the necessity 

to bypass censorship, and wall climbing was probably one of 

the most important topics in 2009 and 2010. Consequently, 

VPNs have become the major information disclosure tool for 

netizens. 

Unofficial art movements and unofficial fields of art 

Misunderstandings about Chinese contemporary art, within 

and beyond China, have occurred for two opposing reasons: 

one is the opinion that its development is completely 

separate from other cultural currents. It is indeed grow- 

ing increasingly stronger. However, mainstream culture 

continues to be dominated by curious and traditional paint- 

ing styles. Contemporary art is still only emerging in 

China; after all, starting from the Stars Group in 1979, 

its history spans little more than 30 years. The other 

opinion is that Chinese contemporary art only adopted 

frameworks of Western culture; indeed, the influence of 

modern and contemporary Western culture cannot be ignored, 

so that consequently any overlapping would be a natural 

consequence. As mentioned, scholars have already been 

discussing these relations and parallels since the times 

of Liang Qichao. 

Fine arts education broke apart after 1949. It was built 

on the foundations of the Soviet educational system, which 

means that besides the influence of traditional art, the 

roots of Chinese contemporary art are still located in the 

former Soviet Union. 

From 1979 until today, contemporary art has been dealing 

with the questions of the independent transformation of 

Chinese art and with how to sinicize foreign ideas and art 

forms. Of course, the latter requires a deeper understanding 

of contemporary Chinese thinking, as well as the expertise 

of cultural scientists. Nevertheless, I shall try to 

6 

The Democracy Wall 

was a long brick 

wall on Xidan 

Street, Beijing. 

It became the 

focus for demo- 

cratic dissent and 

is considered the 

starting point for 

China's democracy 

movement. The short 

period of demo- 

cratization 

is known as the 

"Beijing Spring". 

Jintian (Today) 

Magazine, co- 

founded in 1978 by 

Bei Dao in 

Beijing, is the 

centre of the 

Misty Poets 

movement, a group 

of Chinese poets 

who reacted 

against the 

restrictions of 

the Cultural 

Revolution. Banned 

in 1980, it has 

been reissued 

again since 1990 

under the name 

Jintian Wenxue 

Zazhi (Today 

Literature Maga- 

zine), see: http:// 

www.jintian.net. 

answer the former question by considering some prominent 

events in the development of contemporary culture, as well 

as some geographical changes. For the moment, I shall call 

this the development of unofficial art in china. 

Stars Group (1979 — 1980) 

The Stars Group was an affiliation of friends that concentrated 

mostly on painting and drawings. Its greatest 

contribution was an exhibition in a small park, next to 

the National Art Museum, which is rather hard to find 

today. The members of the Stars were: Ai Weiwei, Bo Yun, 

Huang Rui, Li Shuang, Ma Desheng, Mao Lizi, Qu Leilei, Shao 

Fei, Wang Keping, Yan Li, Yang Yiping, and Zhong Acheng. 

To a certain extent, this event was a sequel to the 

cultural needs developed during the Cultural Revolution. 

It started with the Democracy Wall on Xidan Street and 

Jintian (Today) magazine, as well as the convergence of 

the people's call for democracy and the intellectual's 

demand for free thought. 6 The Stars were born out of this 

situation. They eventually entered the art museums and 

institutions hosting official exhibitions, and even gained 

the approval of the cultural ministry back then. However, 

most of its members left China soon after. 

For the occasion of their retrospective exhibition, curated 

by Zhuzhu in 2007, a special issue of Jintian Magazine 

was published. In Jintian: The stars Group, most of its 

members recounted this chapter of the group's history.


85 New Wave (1980 — 1990) 7 

Reality diverges slightly from the accounts of the former 

curators and organizers. The china/Avant-Garde exhibition 

in the National Art Museum included over 200 Chinese 

artists from different groups, like the Northern Art Group 

founded in 1985 by Wang Guangyi, Shu Qun, Ren Jian and Liu 

Yan among others, or the southern Artists salon, or indeed 

Xiamen Dada. Other participants were artists or groups 

from the organizers' social circles. 

The 85 New Wave can be seen as an extensive mass movement, 

initiated through the people, intellectuals, and students. 

It no longer bore any kind of relation to the Cultural 

Revolution. As more information on modern and contemporary 

art was obtained from abroad, cultural ideologies and 

activities experienced an unprecedented development. The 85 

New Wave was a potent and democratic movement, a huge cul- 

tural trend that had sprung up in all provinces and cities. 

It concluded with Tang Song and Xiao Lu's perfor-mance 

Two Gunshots Fired at the Installation: A Dialogue, which 

marked the end of the china/Avant-Garde exhibition in 1989 

(Berghuis, 2006). Its effect was not only the termination 

of communication between the people and the government, it 

can also be seen as a metaphor for the subsequent student 

movements. 

At the exhibition entitled '85 New Wave: The Birth of 

Chinese Contemporary Art', curated by Fei Dawei at the end 

of 2007, the movement was described as follows: 

"The 85 New Wave was one of the most important 

art movements in China's 20th century art history, 

it created a new era, defeated the instrumen- 

talism and monism of art and made the first step 

for China's contemporary art. Many groundbreaking 

works were also created during this period [...]." 

The exhibition took place at the UCCA (Ullens Center for 

Contemporary Art). Eighteen years have passed since its 

exhibition at the National Art Museum in 1989. However, if 

we compare the locations, the former represents the sacred 

halls of China's institutionalized art, whereas the latter 

is a private gallery in Beijing's 798 art district opened 

by Guy Ullens and his wife. 

Shanghai Biennale and Guangzhou Triennale (1996 — 2010) 

The first Shanghai Biennale took place in 1996. Until the 

second, it tried to cut into Chinese contemporary art, but 

the effect was only very minimal. Neither exhibition is 

mentioned in official reports. Most people learned about 

the Biennale in 2000. Because of its international team of 

curators and artists, its record-breaking expansive exhi- 

bition space and media coverage, contemporary art reached 

a level of extreme publicity. This directly influenced 

the sudden increase of biennales across the country: one 

after another Chengdu, Guizhou, Nanjing, and Guangzhou all 

held biennales or triennales. The Guangzhou Triennale, 

which started in 2002, is especially noteworthy as it made 

the greatest contribution to improving the image of ex- 

perimental art. 

The absence of Western curators from the 2010 Shanghai 

Biennale aligns to a certain extent with predicated future 

trends. But the transfer of Wang Huangsheng from the 

Guangdong Museum of Art to the CAFA Art Museum (Museum of 

China Central Academy of Fine Arts) might spell the end of 

the Guangzhou Triennale. At the same time, however, bien- 

nales and triennales across the country are continuously 

being founded and disappearing again, so no clear tendency 

is visible. Moreover, these developments directly affect 

the government's understanding of contemporary art. 

7 

On the 85 New 

Wave, see http:// 

www.artspeakchina. 

org/mediawiki/ 

index.php. The New 

Wave Movement of 

the mid-1980s was 

a continuation 

of the past era. 

It was based 

almost entirely on 

the theories, 

conceptual ideas, 

and visions of 

Western modernism. 

It consisted of 

regional, folklo- 

ristic art 

groupings that 

mobilized a 

national modernist 

art movement on an 

unprecedented 

scale. Some of the 

noteworthy groups 

with a certain 

kind of continuity, 

size, and 

theoretical 

approach were the 

Northern Art 

Group, the Jiangsu 

Neo-Primitivism 

Group, the Red 

Brigade (Nanjing), 

the Pond Society 

(Hangzhou), Xiamen 

Dada, Tribe·Tribe 

(Wuhan), and the 

Southwest Art 

Research Group. 

8 

See the Beijing 

Art Zone map at 

http://www.ionly. 

com.cn/nbo/news 

info3/200708291/ 

1635091.html. 

Yuanmingyuan, Songzhuang, East Village, 798 Art Zone, 

Caochangdi, and other art districts (1984 — 2010) 

Yuanmingyuan artist village came into being in 1984, pro- 

viding a home to several hundred art pioneers. Especially 

after 1989, this area developed into a meeting place for 

artists, poets, writers, stage and documentary directors, 

until the forced eviction of the whole area in 1995. After- 

wards most of the artists scattered around Beijing and 

moved to places like Huajiadi, Songzhuang, Mudanyuan, Tong- 

xian, just to name a few. 

Around 1993, the East Village, which was located in today's 

Eastern part of the Third Ring Road, turned into an im- 

portant location for performance art (see Annex). Ma Liuming 

and Zhang Huan's live performance Dialogue with Gilbert 

and George in 1993 foreboded for one thing Chinese contemporary 

art's future relation to the world; for another, 

it showed in a certain sense a continuity with the china/ 

Avant-Garde of 1989, as both took place in the National 

Art Museum, that is, the sacred halls of Chinese institutionalized 

art. Unfortunately, the East Village only ex- 

isted for two years before it was banned by the government. 

As for Songzhuang, due to its remote location, which is an 

estimated 30 minute drive from the district town of Tong- 

zhou, the two thousand resident artists have managed to 

create a stable working and living environment that still 

exists today. 

798 was discovered in 2002, whereupon artists gradually 

started to move there. In 2003, it was almost demolished 

due to reconstruction plans of the local administration. 

From 2003 to 2006, while continuously accommodating 

artists and galleries, the question of the area's future 

demolition and renovation were still on the table. In 

2008, 798 became a government promoted trendy art district, 

which eventually turned into an important location for the 

official creative industry. Only thereafter was its ex- 

istence secured. 

With the opening of UCCA in 2007, people took notice of 

the arrival of foreign funds, while at the same time 

Chinese contemporary art reached its second peak upon 

entering the auction markets. Through its location next to 

Huajiadi art district and the CAFA, 798 naturally expanded 

in a northeastern direction, assimilating the villages and 

creating today's Caochangdi and Huantie (circular railway) 

art districts and also a bit further away, the Feijiacun 

Artist Village, as well as the 1 Art Base and Beijing 318 

Art Garden among others. 8 

All these art districts, studios, galleries, and private 

museums provided enough exhibition space, technical and


financial support for Chinese contemporary art. Through 

the relocation affair in 2010, the legitimization issue of 

public space became apparent again. The present conflict 

is different than the previous one, which focused on ideo- 

logy, political antagonism, and violent government interference. 

This time, the demolition and relocation that 

Caochangdi is facing, is a double attack led by the local 

village government and by the economy of relocations. 

Public Media 

This was only a rough summary of events. Many more incidents 

and locations where significant changes occurred were left 

unmentioned. But let us return to the issues of the public 

and of public art, which were among the necessary conditions 

and foundations influencing the development of public 

media. 

After the public distribution of information, the most 

important breakthrough since the year 2000 have been the 

economic innovations in contemporary art that came with 

the globalized economy. The transformation of contemporary 

art and its artists' identity started at that moment. 

After the year 2000, public art and the country's development 

were completely aligned. The frequent exhibitions 

of contemporary art and its continuous advance into public 

space created different reactions among the people and 

the government. For example, the Post-sensibility movement, 

which came into fashion in 1999, developed two tendencies, 

one focusing on space and media, the other on flesh and 

corpses. 9 This immediately met with general criticism and 

official investigations, and ultimately with a government 

ban on performance art. This was all due to the dissemination 

of information – a greater public had fallen into 

the sufferings of contemporary art. 

Since the upcoming of new media education, the effect has 

become even more extensive: the interest in computers, 

science, or interdisciplinary studies has reached an unpre- 

cedented level, whether in art academies or among the 

wider population. The already overloaded government web- 

sites were no longer able to answer the public's needs. 

With the continuous rise of private websites and blogs, 

information dissemination multiplied rapidly. Similar to 

the practices of Western artists in the 1960s, who used 

television to directly broadcast performances or videos to 

the public, the Internet in China has assumed the functions 

of an exhibition platform and broadcasting tool. 

Traditional forms of media like newspapers, magazines, and 

TV are also facing the end of their functions as mouth- 

pieces of the government. They are undergoing transformation 

into individual cooperations. In response to the 

public demand for news and information, a blurred area of 

the public media has arisen. 

In the 1980s, when people like Wen Pulin were working for 

China Central Television (CCTV), a lot of visual material 

of Chinese contemporary art was produced. 10 This is a per- 

fect example of how private interest inside an official 

organ can affect its future transition. Chinese contemporary 

art is just becoming an extensive field, permeating 

all areas of culture and life. A recent article in Hong 

Kong's Wen Wei Po criticizing contemporary art ("Has con- 

temporary art turned into nothing but hot air?") has also 

demonstrated how contemporary art is turning into mainstream 

culture. 11 

The annual Chinese Blogger Conference in 2005 can be seen 

as a turning point of the people's voice through economic 

and technological development. Every subsequent public 

event has had its own media appearance, widely discussed 

9 


bjartlab.com. 

10 

See: http://wason. 

library.cornell. 

edu/Wen/archive. 

php. 

11 

See: 

http://arts. 

cul.sohu.com/ 

20101229/n278569 

649.shtml. 

online, thereby creating a vast community of information 

exchange. Since the advent of information diversity, every- 

body has assumed the power of being a medium. 

The above-mentioned prohibitions and wall climbing are 

part of this newly created sphere. Today, social media has 

become the synonym for public media. This area also con- 

cerns the progress of hardware (mobile phones, PCs, TV, 

internet, etc.), as well as software (3G, blogs, podcasts, 

etc.). Public media will replace the former one-way and 

single-track systems of information dissemination, and turn 

into today's communication network and information pool. 

The enormous amounts of data that were shared via mobile 

phones or PCs will slowly become the main sources of 

information and news. 

Official public art and city construction 

Opposite above-mentioned unofficial art stands official, 

mainstream art. There is nothing curious about this, as we 

are all surrounded by it. 

The standardization of culture after 1949 meant that only 

eight Model Plays (there were some additions later) exis- 

ted during the Cultural Revolution. Performances combined 

many different art forms (ballet, Peking Opera, theatre, 

Pingju Opera, classical music, folk music, etc.) and were 

thoroughly public products in every aspect. Even though 

these works were broadcast only for a short period, they 

have become eternal monuments, mental brand marks, something 

that will never be forgotten by any Chinese alive back then. 

The most important event in 1972 was the visit of US-presi- 

dent Nixon, which is known today as the ice-breaking event. 

It had an immediate impact on the Chinese people's under- 

standing of the world. Before, China and its knowledge 

base only existed as part of the communist camp. But through 

this event the country surfaced as an individual entity. 

This paved the way for the normalization of diplomatic 

relations with Japan later in 1972, for the establishment 

of Sino-US relations, and ultimately for Deng Xiaoping's 

economic reforms. 

The April 5 Tian'anmen Incident in 1976 was a reaction to 

Premier Zhou Enlai's death and the people's anger against 

the Gang of Four. It was centered around the Tian'anmen 

Monument, the most significant memorial since the founding 

of the Republic. 

The economic reforms in 1978 could not have been implemen- 

ted without Deng Xiaoping's rectification in 1975. The 

reforms and the Stars Group movement of 1979 can be seen as 

the beginning of an open relationship between culture and 

politics, brought about by a certain kind of self-awareness 

within the government and the people. 

The 1980s were a period of economic development, with both 

coastal areas and the inland undergoing development and 

construction. Stadiums, hotels, restaurants, and apartment 

buildings enjoyed the biggest popularity. By Mayor Chen


Xitong's decree in 1983, all buildings in Beijing started 

to receive a green, antique-looking roof, which can be 

considered as a highlight of modern architecture history. 

This action, as well as the demolition of Beijing's city 

wall after the founding of the Republic, served to fulfill 

political needs. 

The end of 1980s and the beginning of 1990s were character- 

ized by an atmosphere of repression. Most people chose 

silence as a countermeasure. In the 1990s, the Chinese 

economy was affected by the Asian financial crisis and 

came to a standstill. This caused a short period of distress 

for economy-driven, futuristic cities that had been built 

from the ground, like Shenzhen or Shanghai's Pudong dis- 

trict. The 1990s were also the beginning of the government's 

emphasis on the cultural industry, and they marked the 

start of city beautification campaigns. Many monuments were 

created and all of them had wonderful motifs. But no other 

city than Guangzhou found a sculpture that better repre- 

sented its city culture than the stone sculpture of the Five 

Goats. 12 Yet the masses of old leader statues were still 

occupying too much public space; until today, flower beds 

and roundabouts in folkloristic styles still dominate 

public space. 

Since the year 2000, the cosmopolitan cities of Beijing 

and Shanghai have been hosting massive actions to improve 

their image. On 13th July 2001, Beijing was awarded the 

Olympic Games, and started a worldwide design competition 

for the Olympic stadiums. After the Games, they all have 

become important landmark buildings and public culture 

venues. The Shanghai Expo 2010 used Beijing's experience 

to make the most of its own event. All the buildings were 

temporary, only the China pavilion was kept. Furthermore, 

the CCTV Headquarter, designed by Rem Koolhaas, and the 

Shanghai Tower came into being. These colossal and unique 

architecture projects were already designed as landmarks 

and media centers. While they are still connected to 

politics, they are also inseparable from business and 

culture. 

Epilogue 

This essay has attempted to depict the changes in China's 

public and public culture in the past 100 years. I hope 

to have provided the reader with a rough idea, despite the 

limited space available. Public = people's need = standard- 

ization of political culture = media can be seen as a 

summary of the meaning of the term public in China from 

1949 to 1978; this is a one-way, vertical process, which 

responds to popular desires and party expectations. After 

1978, whether political or popular needs, many more fac- 

tors came into play. Public art is a vertical need of the 

government, a political need to reconstruct cities. As 

soon as the media and information distribution by the 

people came to life, the public's legitimacy and totality 

faced questioning and rejection. This led to the emergence 

of an even bigger information network, which then turned 

into an online public sphere. This phenomenon took an 

immediate effect on the formation of the public and of 

public art. Today, the public can be created for three 

different reasons: 1. political needs; 2. personal benefit; 

3. media event. Coincidentally, these aspects are also 

shaping today's contemporary art. 

Both domestic and international transitions have led to an 

overall variation and diversification of public awareness 

in the course of the globalization process, and are slowly 

helping to overcome national borders and boundaries. By 

way of comparisons, conversions and exchange, more public 

issues will be raised, like the environment question, 

12 

Designed by 

famous sculptor 

Yin Jichang and 

others in 1959 to 

perpetuate the 

goat as Guangzhou's 

city 

symbol, this is 

an artwork full 

of poetic grace. 

13 

See: 

http://sharism.org 

youth education, unemployment, the emergence of migrant 

workers, the dangers of coal mines, and many more. 

There is also the concept of concealment, which has always 

existed within tradition and culture. This has not ceased 

existing despite revolutions and reforms, but has become 

an integral part of China's cultural heritage and the back- 

bone of the elite and intellectuals. Its traces can be found 

today in the structures of ancient buildings, gardens, and 

paintings. 

Returning to the issue of ideology issue, if China's poli- 

tics and public both belong to this domain, then it also 

concerns modern and contemporary art. Chinese artists have 

always had a pragmatic attitude towards this issue, as the 

famous final line in the film version of the novel The 

Miraculous Pigtail nicely illustrates: 'The pigtail is gone, 

but the spirit is still here' (Feng 1984). This clearly 

shows a non-compromising inner nature, while being able to 

adapt to reform and revolution. Here, we need to discuss 

the re-thinking of culture, a question already to be found 

in the writings of Joseph Needham (1900 — 1995): 

"First, why did modern science only develop in 

Europe, but not in Chinese (or Indian) 

civilizations? 

Second, why was the Chinese civilization between 

100 B.C until 1500 A.D. so much more effective 

than Europe in applying mankind's natural know- 

ledge to its practical needs?" 

So what does China's current public environment and spirit 

look like? Everything that I have mentioned above needs to 

be considered to answer this question. Since we are living 

in a multifaceted era with many networks, all the events 

that took place before have a subtle butterfly effect on 

our world today. Never before has anything superseded 

the rules of a society within an existing ideology in such 

a short time. Ideological transition is the first step 

towards universal change. Those ideologies that are gradual- 

ly dying away will cause a shift within the external world, 

from its buildings to its aesthetics. 

After the creation of sharism, the ideology of sharing con- 

structed by the public, what will a world look like where 

information is completely disclosed? 13 Will China, after 

its official entry into the WTO, be affected by the next 

financial crisis? Also, have the problems and morality 

constraints that arise from sharing led to the construction 

of self-imposed limits? How should we consider matters in 

such a complicated situation? Of course, these issues are 

already part of the ideology of contemporary art. What, 

we may ask, is not public today? Knowledge is like a speed- 

boat: I am in the boat, looking at the sea, sometimes 

looking up at the stars. 

What might be more important than all of this is perhaps 

simply forgetting to explain the concepts of public, 

contemporary, politics, sharing, and so on, or at least 

to stop using these memorized, simple words with some


Annex 

Artists in Residence at 

Yuangmingyuan Artist Village 

1990 — 1995 

1990: 

Ren Ke (Sichuan) 

Ding Fang (Jiangsu) 

Fang Lijun (Hebei) 

Tian Bin (Shaanxi) 

Wang Yin (Shandong) 

Yi Ling (Shanghai) 

Zhang Baifang (Hunan) 

Zhang Ge (Guizhou) 

Zhang Huiping (Beijing) 

Zhang Minqiang (Jiangsu) 

1991: 

Bu Jian (Xinjiang) 

Cao Xiaodong (Jiangsu) 

Chen Yiqing (Qinghai) 

Colin Chinnery (UK) 

Gao Yang (Inner Mongolia) 

Guo Jian (Guizhou) 

Huan Zi (Jilin) 

Li Xinghui (Yunnan) 

Lili (Shanghai) 

Lu Lin (Shandong) 

Luo Zidan (Sichuan) 

Mo Gen/Morgan (Guizhou) 

Pan Wenbin (Anhui) 

Shen Yun (Hebei) 

Wang Qiang (Guizhou) 

Wei Lin (Xinjiang) 

Wei Ye (Heilongjiang) 

Xu Hongmin (Hunan) 

Xu Yihui (Jiangsu) 

Yang Shaobin (Hebei) 

Ye You (Zhejiang) 

Yue Minjun (Hebei) 

Yun Hong (Liaoning) 

Zhang Hongbo (Guizhou) 

1992: 

Chen Guangwu (Guangxi) 

Chi Nai (Beijing) 

Da Zhuo (Jiangsu) 

He Ruijun (Inner Mongolia) 

Hei Yue/Black Moon (Qinghai) 

Hou Guangfei (Jiangsu) 

Hu Yuepeng (Liaoning) 

Huang Ou (Zhejiang) 

Ji Xiaomei (Hubei) 

Lai Wen (Anhui) 

Li Song (Heilongjiang) 

Liu Fenghua (Hebei) 

Liu Guoqiang (Hebei) 

Liu Hu (Jiangsu) 

Liu Siang (Inner Mongolia) 

Liu Wenjin (Jilin) 

Liu Yan (Heilongjiang) 

Ma Ziheng (Jiangsu) 

Pan Qiang (Liaoning) 

Qi Zhilong (Inner Mongolia) 

Qiu Bing (Shandong) 

Qu Jinzhong (Yunnan) 

Rao Songqing (Hubei) 

Shen Quancheng (Shaanxi) 

Shitou/Stone (Guizhou) 

Song Ye (Liaoning) 

Sun Guanghua (Liaoning) 

Wang Mai (Heilongjiang) 

Wang Qiang (Heilongjiang) 

Wang Qiuren (Shanghai) 

Wang Weihong (Guangdong) 

Wen Song (?) 

Xu Ruotao (Liaoning) 

Xu Yiming (Jiangsu) 

Xu Zhiwei (Beijing) 

Xue Mo (?) 

Yan Zhengxue (Zhejiang) 

Yang Maoyuan (Liaoning) 

Yang Yi (Guangdong) 

Yin Guangzhong (Guizhou) 

Yin Jun (Jiangsu) 

Yin Lichuan (Sichuan) 

Yu Xinjiao (Jiangsu) 

Yunfei (UK) 

Zhang Bo (Liaoning) 

Zhang Feng (Zhejiang) 

Zhang Hongye (Liaoning) 

Zhang Jianqiang (Xinjiang) 

Zhang Wan (Liaoning) 

Zhao Qing (Yunnan) 

Zhao Xing (Inner Mongolia) 

Zheng Xiaochong (Liaoning) 

Zhuang Hong (Hebei) 

1993: 

[Wu Tao] (Liaoning) 

[Zhou Zhanhong] (Jiangsu) 

Cai Xiaohua (Shaanxi) 

Che Che (Heilongjiang) 

Chen Guangwu (Guangxi) 

Chen Jun (Shandong) 

Chen Qiqing (Shanxi) 

Cheng Peimin (Shandong) 

Dan Yi (Xinjiang) 

Du Han (Shandong) 

Du Peihua (Beijing) 

Feng Jianwen (Yunnan) 

Gao Cengyun (Jilin) 

Gao Yansong (?) 

Geng Xiaogang (Inner Mongolia) 

Gou Hongbing (Guangdong) 

Gu Rong (Jiangsu) 

Hai Shang (Hunan) 

Hao Zhiqiang (Inner Mongolia) 

He Shang (Guizhou) 

He Xuesheng (Ningxia) 

Hei Tong (Guizhou) 

Hong Qi (Xinjiang) 

Hu Junjun (Zhejiang) 

Huang Guangpeng (Guangxi) 

Jia Qiong (Jilin) 

Jiang Tianyu (Jiangsu) 

Li Changxi (Liaoning) 

Li Dafang (Liaoning) 

Li Jingtao (Hubei) 

Li Qingwen (Qinghai) 

Liao Bangming (Sichuan) 

Lin Hong (Jilin) 

Liu Fengzhi (Heilongjiang) 

Liu Mu (Shaanxi) 

Liu Zheng (Hebei) 

Lu Ying (Anhui) 

Luan Hua (Henan) 

Luo Lin (Germany) 

Luo Yinglong (Sichuan) 

Ma Han (Zhejiang) 

Ma Ye (Shaanxi) 

Ma Yue (Jilin) 

Mo Yuan (Jiangsu) 

Mu Chen (Liaoning) 

Mu Yefeng (Liaoning) 

Ren Hui (Jiangsu) 

Shao Zhenpeng (Qinghai) 

Shen Wei (Guangxi) 

Shi Xinning (Liaoning) 

Sun Da (Jiangsu) 

Sun Guanghua (Liaoning) 

Sun Ruoqiong (Heilongjiang) 

Tian Zizhong (Jilin) 

Wang Ai (Zhejiang) 

Wang Guangli (Sichuan) 

Wang Qingsong (Hubei) 

Wang Shen (Liaoning) 

Wang Xin (Zhejiang) 

Wang Yan (Hubei) 

Wei Ligang (Shanxi) 

Wei Meng (Beijing) 

Wen Quan (Hunan) 

Wu Shiyou (Jiangxi) 

Xie Hongjun (Jiangsu) 

Yan Yinghong (Zhejiang) 

Yang Fang (Xinjiang) 

Yang Wei (Hunan) 

Yao Junzhong (Hebei) 

You Xiangyun (Hunan) 

Yuan Tongyu (Jiangsu) 

Zhang Dong (Fujian) 

Zhang Ji (Hubei) 

Zhang Lin (Sichuan) 

Zhang Tianhong (Liaoning) 

Zhao Dayong (Liaoning) 

Zheng Xiuli (Inner Mongolia) 

Zhou Shaobo (Guangxi) 

1994: 

[Zhang Huisheng] (Beijing) 

A Jian (Shaanxi) 

Ai Li (Hebei) 

Bao Zhiming (Anhui) 

Chen Huamei (Hunan) 

Chen Jianfeng (Sichuan) 

Chen Qiuchi (Jilin) 

Dong Lu (Tianjin) 

Dou Dou (Beijing) 

Du Dan (Liaoning) 

Feng Jin (Shanghai) 

Gao Qiang (?) 

Gu Chunlei (Guizhou) 

Gu Xiangfei (Hunan) 

Hao Xiangyun (Inner Mongolia) 

Hao Zi (Guizhou) 

Hei Zi (Guizhou) 

Hu Jie (Jiangsu) 

Huang Wenjun (Hubei) 

Huang Xiang (Guizhou) 

Li Changxi (Liaoning) 

Li Xi (Heilongjiang) 

Li Yandi (Yunnan) 

Liang Tao (Guangdong) 

Liu Chuanwen (Hubei) 

Liu Hui (Heilongjiang) 

Liu Huijun (Hebei) 

Liu Jian (Jiangsu) 

Liu Junfeng (Shandong) 

Liu Liye (Shandong) 

Lü Li (Jiangsu) 

Lu Zhengcai (Jiangsu) 

Luo Chaohui (Shandong) 

Luo Zidan (Sichuan) 

Ma Zhe (Guizhou) 

Niu Ben (Liaoning) 

Pian Shan (Guizhou) 

Piao Guangyi (Jilin) 

Ren Zhitian (Hubei) 

Shen Weiguang (Hebei) 

Si Mao (Guizhou) 

Song Xiaofei (Shandong) 

Sun Guangyi (Liaoning) 

Sun Ke (Shaanxi) 

Tan She (Guangxi) 

Tian Bing (Gansu) 

Wang Feng (Shanxi) 

Wang Hui (Beijing) 

Wu Nai (Guizhou) 

Xie Tianxiao (Shandong) 

Xue Changhe (Inner Mongolia) 

Yang Hu (Jiangsu) 

Yang Qing (Guizhou) 

Yin Kun (Sichuan) 

Yue Nan (Shandong) 

Zhang Jianping (Guizhou) 

Zhang Jianzhi (Sichuan) 

Zhang Song (Liaoning) 

Zhang Xiaojun (Henan) 

Zhao Hai (Inner Mongolia) 

Zhou Yunpeng(Liaoning) 

1995: 

Agula (Inner Mongolia) 

Cao Hongfei (Sichuan) 

Cao Ying (Shandong), 

Da Hai (Beijing) 

Da Peng (Liaoning) 

Dong Congxian (Ningxia) 

Du Ke (Anhui) 

Gao Yan (Hebei) 

Gou Hongbing (Shaanxi) 

Guo Xuan (Beijing) 

He Lu (Sichuan) 

Hu Dasheng (Gansu) 

Hu Xiangdong (Jiangsu) 

Huang Weiguang (Gansu) 

Jiang Jun (Shandong) 

Li Gang (Shaanxi) 

Li Mengna (Jiangsu) 

Li Qiang (Xinjiang) 

Li Quanlong (Xinjiang) 

Li Taimo (Jiangsu) 

Li Wei (Anhui) 

Li Yuying (Shandong) 

Liang Huamin (Shandong) 

Ling Zi (Jilin) 

Liu Jian (Jiangsu) 

Liu Lang (Jilin) 

Liu Xiaojun (Henan) 

Luo Weidong (Guangxi) 

Luo Weiguo (Guangxi) 

Pang Yongjie (Shandong) 

Ren Fusheng (Henan) 

Ren Sihong (Hebei) 

Run Zhi (?) 

Tan Junjiang (Beijing) 

Tang Jianying (Hebei) 

Tian Ye (Ningxia) 

Wang Fei (Henan) 

Wang Jue (Hebei) 

Wang Lei (Shandong) 

Wang Xiujuan (Hubei) 

Wang Yan (Hebei) 

Wei Shanghe (Gansu) 

Wei Shen (Guangxi) 

Wei Xiaobin (Xinjiang) 

Wen Quan (Anhui) 

Wu Ke (Heilongjiang) 

Wu Xiaoman (Sichuan) 

Xiong Er (Jiangxi) 

Xiong Zuguo (Sichuan) 

Xu Shun (Jiangsu) 

Yang Zi (Jilin) 

Yu Bogong (Heilongjiang) 

Yuan Hua (Hunan Province) 

Zhang Donghong (Jilin) 

Zhang Maocheng (Jilin), 

Zhang Qianwen (Zhejiang) 

Zhang Yao (Hunan) 

Zhou Bin (Shaanxi) 

Zhou Yunpeng (Jilin) 

Zhou Yunxia (Jiangsu)


Zheng Lianjie, Huge explosion (binding the lost soul series), 1993, 

Performance, Great Wall in China, Courtesy of the Artist 

Xu Tan, untitled, Dreaming Pigs, 1998, Taipei Biennial, installation, sculptural pigs (fiber glass) with exposed organs on bodies, 

Courtesy of the Artist


a different sense 

of sPace. Public sPaces 

in tokyo and shanghai 

Jürgen Krusche 

Roji in Tokyo, Tsukishima / roji in Tokyo, Tsukishima 

Streets have formed the basic framework of every city since 

time immemorial. They are the lifelines of a metropolis 

and provide people with necessary connecting and common 

spaces, linking inside and outside, the private and the 

public. Besides parks and squares, streets also constitute 

very important public spaces. Street space is public space, 

an area of action and movement, of presentation and com- 

munication, of political expression and subversive intervention. 

The research project Taking To The streets (ETH s.a.), 

initiated by the Faculty of Architecture of the ETH Zurich, 

investigated street spaces in the West and in eastern 

Asia with a view to the quality of the public space. The 

focus was on the interface between the built environment 

and people's actions. The aim of the project was to show 

how the two sides interact and influence one another. To 

this end, the project made use of current discourse about 

city, space and the public, examining discourses in field 

work in four selected cities: Zurich, Berlin, Tokyo and 

Shanghai. The goal of the research was to develop criteria 

for assessing the quality of public spaces based on ana- 

lyses of usages and interactions (Krusche and Roost 2010; 

Krusche 2011).


Trialectics of spatiality 

The relational space model of the French philosopher and 

sociologist Henri Lefebvre has, since the 1990s, changed the 

understanding of space in many disciplines (Lefebvre 1974). 

The thoughts on space of the American social geographer 

and urban planner Edward Soja advanced Lefebvre's ideas, 

introducing a trialectics of spatiality in which three 

aspects of equal value were brought together to constitute 

space: sensually perceptible space, i.e. materially built 

space (perceived space); imagined, calculated or abstract 

space, the space of images and models (conceived space); 

and the space in which things are lived and experienced, 

the social space (lived space) (fig. 1). Only these three 

aspects together yield space, or as Lefebvre says: produce 

space (Soja 1996). Space, and thus also public space, is 

a social product. 

Since space is a social product, so are cities. Cities first 

emerge when people perceive the existing material struc- 

tures there with their senses, use it and appropriate it. 

Individual perceptions are filtered through a manifold 

network of ideas, memories and images in the mind of the 

perceiver, are coloured and composed into a temporary super- 

ordinate total event. Each action resulting from this 

intervenes in the city's form and thus modifies the setting 

for those who constitute the urban space. Thus, the entire 

urban material and symbolic ensemble is in constant trans- 

formation and must continually be recreated, i.e. produced 

by residents in an active process. Hence the city is an 

expression of continual discontinuity. 

The same applies to streets: built streets are part of the 

city's material structure. While their measurable material 

form cannot be changed, they are lively as space. The space 

of a street appears in a different form depending on usage 

and appropriation, action and interaction, on the time 

of day or the time of year. Street space – one of the last 

public spaces – is not fixed and rigid but dynamic, a pro- 

duct of social action. 

When we observe life on the streets of a city, it becomes 

apparent that the activities on the pavements and small 

side streets are often more intense and varied than on many 

new very aesthetically designed squares. In Asian cities, 

the streets have formed the basis for urban life for centu- 

ries. The idea of the square as the place where people 

gather is a Western one. In India, China and Japan there 

didn't use to be any squares. The place for ceremonies and 

festivals was always the street (Kurokawa 2005). This 

seems to be one reason why many newly built squares in Japan 

don't function well. They are not – or not yet – part of 

the culture. 

This raises some important questions. What exactly is public 

space in Japan and China? What takes place in public, and 

private, space? How are the two separated from one another? 

Or to go even further: Can we even speak of private and 

public space in Japan and China? These issues will now be 

addressed. 

From XXL to XXS – the structure of Tokyo 

Approximately 34 million people live in the Tokyo metropoli- 

tan area. As a result, many envision Tokyo as a monstrous 

metropolis with countless high-rises and impassable motor- 

ways. However, even a cursory glance at a map of the city 

shows that this impression is not entirely accurate. Un- 

like the much smaller city Berlin, Tokyo has a very finely 

structured road system (fig. 2, 3). Large through roads, 

many of which are elevated highways, branch out into two- 

to four-lane main roads that enclose residential areas 

(fig. 4). Within the latter, there is a further refinement 

of the road system into smaller access roads and resi- 

dential side streets. Some of them have speed limits and 

1 — Trialectics of space according to Edward Soja / 

Trialektik des Raums von edward soja 

2 — Berlin street grid (detail) / strassenraster 

berlin (Detail) 

3 — Tokyo street grid (detail) / strassenraster 

Tokyo (Detail)


Images from top to bottom, left to right: 

4 – Layered arrangement of traffic ways / Schichtung der Verkehrswege 

5 — Streets for pedestrians / strassen für Fussgänger 

6 — Roji in Nezu / roji in Nezu 

7 — Roji in Asagaya / roji in Asagaya



8 — Entrance to a residential district 

eingang in ein Wohnquartier 

9 — Entrance with guardhouse 

eingang mit Wachhäuschen 

10 — Laundry drying in a lilong 

Wäsche in einem lilong 

11 — Laundry everywhere 

Wäsche überall 

12/13 — The street as a multifunctional space 

Die strasse als Multifunktionsraum 

14 — Street market 

strassenmarkt in shanghai



15/16 – Cycle rickshaws in Shanghai / Fahrradrikschsas in shanghai 

17 – Cycling in Tokyo / Fahrradfahren in Tokyo 

18 – Mobile shops in Shanghai / Mobile shops in shanghai 

19 – Night market in Shanghai / Nightmarket in shanghai 

20 – Pot gardens in Tokyo / Potgardens in Tokyo


Usages and appropriations in Tokyo 

Life on the streets of Tokyo is less versatile than it 

is in Shanghai, even on the very small streets, the roji. 

At the beginning of the 20th century, some intellectuals 

liked to stroll through the small streets of Tokyo's old 

town. Following Walter Benjamin, some writers turned 

strolling into literary content and a lifestyle (Schulz 

2008). But not much of this remains in the 21st century. 

Strolling in the city, rather, seems to correspond to 

a European idea. Nowadays, Tokyo residents move through 

the city very purposefully, whether they cover great 

distances using the extremely efficient public transport 

system, or whether they only move within their quarter, 

in which most of the distances can be covered comfortably 

on foot or by bicycle. Tokyo is a paradise for cyclists. 

You can ride everywhere and in both directions, even on 

the pavements (fig. 17). In addition, bikes are very cheap 

and are seldom stolen. 

Tokyo's public space is appropriated much less intensively 

by residents than in Shanghai. A typical appropriation 

which is quite refined (and therefore accepted by the muni- 

cipal authorities) appropriation in Tokyo are so-called 

pot gardens, which stand in front of the houses on the pave- 

ment and sometimes on the street (fig. 20). Thus, in an 

unobtrusive way the residents of the buildings extend their 

interior space to the exterior space, thus transforming 

the roji almost unnoticeably from an open area to an inner 

area. 

The street as task 

This investigation of urban spaces in Tokyo and Shanghai 

shows that the Western way of dividing space into private 

and public areas cannot be transferred to Chinese and 

Japanese cities. The different sense of space – or better, 

the different production of space – in China and Japan 

has given rise in the course of the centuries to specific 

kinds of building, which cannot be meaningfully grasped 

by the private/public dichotomy. A lilong quarter in Shang- 

hai or a roji in Tokyo are both designs that give this 

different constitution of space a visible form. The inter- 

play between spatial perception, spatial conception and 

material space design has yielded an attractive living 

space where people have felt comfortable for generations. 

There is the danger that these spaces will disappear if 

municipal authorities and multinational investors do not 

respect the specific sense of space of their own culture 

and prefer architectures and master plans from the West. 

The street in particular – and this applies to both East 

Asian and Central European cities – plays a role for 

preserving active living spaces that should not be underestimated, 

which is why the architect Kisho Kurokawa, 

for one, has repeatedly pleaded (and I would like to close 

by joining him in this plea) that the street should be 

taken seriously as an urban development task (see note 5). 

Reference list 

ETH Zurich, Swiss 

Federal Institute 

of Technology 

(ed.), Faculty of 

Architecture, 

Professor Günther 

Vogt. See also: 

http://www. 

taking-to-thestreets.com. 

Haarmann, Anke. 

"Public Blue: Eine 

Besetzung des öf- 

fentlichen Raums", 

In: Archiv von 

The Thing Hamburg: 

Plattform für 

Kunst und Kritik 

(30 March 2007): 

http://www.thing- 

hamburg.de/index. 

php?id=499 

(accessed 08 March 

2011). 

Kurokawa, Kisho 

(2005). Das 

Kurokawa-Manifest, 

Jovis, Berlin. 

Krusche, Jürgen 

and Frank Roost 

(2010). Tokyo: Die 

strasse als ge- 

lebter Raum. Lars 

Müller Publishers, 

Baden. 

Krusche, Jürgen 

(2011). strassenräume 

in berlin, 

shanghai, Tokyo, 

Zürich: eine 

fotoethnografische 

untersuchung. Lars 

Müller Publishers, 

Baden. 

Lefebvre, Henri 

(1974). la 

production de 

l'espace. Éditions 

Anthropos, Paris. 

(published in 

English as The 

Production of 

space. Blackwell, 

Oxford, 1991). 

Münch, Barbara. 

"Verborgene Kon- 

tinuitäten des 

chinesischen 

Urbanismus". In: 

Archplus, 

chinesischer 

Hochgeschwindigkeitsurbanismus, 

Vol. 168, 

1/2004. 

Schoon, Sonia. 

"Umfriedung und 

Draussen in der 

dichotomen Lebens- 

welt Shanghai." 

In: Jürgen Hasse 

(ed.) (2008). 

Die stadt als 

Wohnraum, Alber, 

Munich. 

Schulz, Evelyn. 

"Die 'Renaissance 

der Stadt' (toshi 

saisei) und die 

Wiederentdeckung 

der Hintergassen 

(roji) – Aspekte 

der Literatur und 

Kultur des 

Flanierens." In: 


(ed.) (2008). Der 

Raum der stadt. 

Jonas, Marburg. 

Soja, Edward 

(1996). Third 

space. Blackwell, 

Cambridge. 

Zhang, Guanzeng. 

"Struktur und 

Wandel des öffent- 

lichen Raums in 

Shanghai." In: Die 

aufgeschlossene 

stadt: Öffentlicher 

stadtraum 

in china von 

Anting bis Zhuhai, 

Dieter Hassenpflug 

(ed.) (2004). VDG, 

Weimar.


das andere 

raumemPfinden. 

Öffentliche 

räume in tokyo 

und shanghai 


Strassen bilden seit jeher das Grundgerüst jeder Stadt. 

Sie sind die Lebensadern einer Stadt und bilden für den 

Alltag der Menschen notwendige Verbindungs- und Aufent- 

haltsräume, verbinden Innen und Aussen, das Private mit 

em Öffentlichen. Neben den Parks und Plätzen stellen vor 

allem Strassen wichtige öffentliche Räume dar. Strassen- 

raum ist Handlungs- und Bewegungsraum, Raum der Insze- 

nierung, der Kommunikation und der politischen Äusserung 

wie auch der subversiven Intervention. 

Das Forschungsprojekt Taking To The streets 1 an der ETH 

Zürich untersuchte Strassenräume im Westen und in Ost- 

asien mit Blick auf die Frage nach der Qualität des öf- 

fentlichen Raums. Im Fokus stand die Schnittstelle zwischen 

der gebauten Umwelt und den Handlungen der Menschen. Es 

sollte gezeigt werden, in welcher Weise beide Seiten auf- 

einander wirken und sich gegenseitig beeinflussen. Das 

Projekt rekurrierte hierfür auf aktuelle Diskurse zu Stadt, 

Raum und Öffentlichkeit und überprüfte diese in eige- 

nen Feldforschungen in vier ausgewählten Städten: Zürich, 

Berlin, Tokyo und Shanghai. Ziel der Forschung war es, 

aufgrund der Analyse der Nutzungen und Interaktionen 

Kriterien zur Beurteilung der Qualität öffentlicher Räume 

zu entwickeln. 2 

Trialektik der Räumlichkeit 

Das relationale Raummodell des französischen Philosophen 

und Soziologen Henri Lefebvre hat seit den 1990er-Jahren 

das Verständnis von Raum über viele Disziplinen hinweg 

verändert. 3 Das Raumdenken des amerikanischen Sozialgeografen 

und Stadtplaners Edward Soja führt Lefebvres Über- 

legungen weiter und stellt eine Trialektik der Räumlichkeit 

[Abb. 1] vor, in der drei gleichwertige Aspekte zusam- 

mengeführt werden, um Raum zu konstituieren: der sinnlich 

wahrnehmbare, das heisst der materiell gebaute Raum 

(perceived space); der vorgestellte, errechnete oder ab- 

strakte Raum, derjenige der Bilder und Modelle (conceived 

space); der ge- und erlebte, der soziale Raum (lived 

space). Erst alle drei Aspekte zusammen ergeben Raum oder, 

wie Lefebvre es nennt: produzieren Raum. 4 Raum, und somit 

auch der öffentliche, ist ein soziales Produkt. 

So wie der Raum ein gesellschaftliches Produkt ist, ist 

dies auch die Stadt. Stadt entsteht erst, wenn Akteure das 

materiell Vorgegebene sinnlich wahrnehmen, es nutzen und 

sich aneignen. Einzelne Perzeptionen werden durch ein viel- 

fältiges Netzwerk von Vorstellungen, Erinnerungen und 

Bildern im Kopf des Wahrnehmenden gefiltert, eingefärbt 

und zu einem vorläufigen übergeordneten Gesamtereignis 

zusammengesetzt. Jede daraus resultierende Handlung greift 

in die Gestalt der Stadt ein und modifiziert dadurch das 

Setting für die Raumkonstituierenden. Das gesamte 

städtische materielle und 

symbolische Ensemble ist auf 

diese Weise in ständiger 

Transformation begriffen und 

muss von den Bewohnern und 

Bewohnerinnen kontinuierlich 

aufs Neue als aktiver Prozess 

hervorgebracht, das heisst 

produziert werden. Stadt ist 

somit der Ausdruck kontinuierlicher 

Diskontinuität. 

Dasselbe gilt für die Stras- 

se: Die gebaute Strasse ge- 

hört zur materiellen Struktur 

der Stadt. Sie ist in ihrer 

messbaren materiellen Form 

zwar unveränderbar, doch als 

Raum ist sie lebendig. Der 

Raum der Strasse erscheint 

je nach Nutzung und An- 

eignung, nach Handlung und 

Interaktion, nach Tages- 

oder Jahreszeit in einer 

anderen Gestalt. Gerade der 

Strassenraum – einer der 

letzten öffentlichen Räume – 

ist nicht starr und fixiert, 

sondern dynamisch, ein 

Produkt gesellschaftlichen 

Handelns. 

Beobachtet man das Leben auf 

den Strassen einer Stadt, 

lässt sich feststellen, dass 

die Aktivitäten auf den Geh- 

steigen und kleinen Seitenstrassen 

oft intensiver und 

vielfältiger sind als auf 

den oft sehr ästhetisch ge- 

stalteten neuen Plätzen. Vor 

allem in asiatischen Städten 

bilden die Strassen seit 

Jahrhunderten die Basis des 

urbanen Lebens. Die Idee 

des Platzes als Ort der Ver- 

sammlung ist eine abendländische. 

In Indien, China 

und Japan gab es traditionellerweise 

keine Plätze. 

Der Ort für Zeremonien und 

Feste war immer die Strasse. 5 

Dies scheint auch der Grund 

dafür zu sein, dass viele 

neu erstellte Plätze in 

Japan nur schlecht funktionieren: 

Sie sind nicht – 

oder noch nicht – Teil der 

Kultur. 

Das wirft einige zentrale 

Fragen auf: Was genau ist öf- 

fentlicher Raum in Japan 

oder China? Was findet im 

öffentlichen, was im privaten 

Raum statt? Wie sind beide 

voneinander getrennt? Oder, 

noch weiter ausholend: Kann 

man überhaupt von privatem 

und öffentlichem Raum in 

Japan und China sprechen? 

Diese Thematik soll hier er- 

läutert werden. 

1 

ETH Zürich, 

Departement Archi- 

tektur, Professur 

Günther Vogt. 

2 

Die Ergebnisse 

des Projekts 

wurden in zwei 

Publikationen ver- 

öffentlicht: 

Jürgen Krusche und 

Frank Roost, 

Tokyo. Die strasse 

als gelebter Raum, 

Baden 2010; Jürgen 

Krusche, strassen- 

räume in berlin, 

shanghai, Tokyo, 

Zürich. eine foto- 

ethnografische un- 

tersuchung, Baden 

2011. 

3 

Henri Lefebvre, 

la production de 

l'espace, Paris 

1974. 

4 

Edward Soja, 

Third space, 

Cambridge 1996. 

5 

Vgl. Kisho 

Kurokawa, Das 

Kurokawa-Manifest, 

Berlin 2005.


schwinden und anonymen Hochhaussiedlungen weichen müssen, 

herrscht ein nachbarschaftliches, beinahe familiäres Klima. 

Die Wäsche hängt quer über der Strasse, vor den Wohnungen 

wird das Gemüse für die Mahlzeiten vorbereitet. Aber auch 

die Gehsteige und Strassen direkt vor den Wohnsiedlungen 

werden rege genutzt: für improvisierte Märkte, zum Spielen 

oder Haareschneiden [Abb. 10 – 13]. 

Die schmalen Gassen stellen einen inneren geschützten Be- 

reich, einen Rückzugsraum dar, der umfriedet und deutlich 

von aussen abgegrenzt ist. Doch nicht nur Mauern und Zäune 

dienen der Abgrenzung. Viele Chinesen praktizieren auch 

eine Art «innere Umfriedung» und entwickeln die «Fähigkeit 

zur totalen Abschottung vom Aussen im Aussen. […] In sich 

selbst versunkenes und selbstbezogenes Verhalten wird als 

Umfriedungsmechanismus gegen das permanente Ausgesetztsein 

gegenüber diffusen Eindrücken und Situationen als Selbstschutz 

geübt.» 9 

Draussen, ausserhalb der Mauern, befindet sich der offene 

Raum oder Aussenraum, der ähnlich wie in Tokyo als ein Ort 

gilt, an dem man sich nicht gerne länger als nötig aufhält. 

Vielmehr ist dies ein Transitraum, den man möglichst zügig 

durchquert, um in den nächsten Innenraum zu gelangen. Ge- 

schäfte und Handwerker siedeln sich trotzdem an markanten 

Stellen dieser Durchgangsräume oder an deren Ein- und 

Ausgängen an und besetzen den Gehsteig, um dort ihre Waren 

und Dienstleistungen anzubieten [Abb. 14]. Auf diese Weise 

wird mancher Aussenraum temporär zu einem lebendigen 

Innenraum transformiert. Doch die bevorzugten Aufenthaltsräume 

sind die inneren Gassen der lilong und MRDs, aber 

auch die Parkanlagen, die ebenso von Mauern oder Zäunen um- 

geben sind und Innenräume darstellen. Noch bis in die 

1990er Jahre hinein wurde für diese Anlagen Eintrittsgeld 

verlangt, was noch einmal darauf hindeutet, dass die Parks 

in den chinesischen Städten keine öffentlichen Aussenräume, 

sondern als Innenräume verstanden werden. 

Fliegende Händler auf Fahrradrikschas [Abb. 15/16] machen 

deutlich, dass die öffentlichen Räume der chinesischen 

Stadt offene Durchgangsräume sind. Alle Akteure sind in 

Bewegung, der Einkauf passiert unterwegs [Abb. 18] oder 

abends, wenn man Zeit dafür hat [Abb. 19]. Auch dann ver- 

wandeln sich manche kahle Strassenräume für kurze Zeit in 

lebendige Innenräume. Bestes Zeichen hierfür ist, dass 

manche Männer und Frauen am Abend gerne im Pyjama auf die 

Strasse gehen, um auf dem improvisierten Markt einzukaufen, 

zu rauchen oder mit den Nachbarn zu plaudern. 

Letztlich sind es die Bewohner, die durch ihr Empfinden auf- 

grund der gemeinsamen Nutzungen aus einem Aussenraum einen 

gelebten Innenraum machen. Daraus entsteht auch die für 

westliche Beobachter schwer ertragbare Situation, dass keine 

eindeutige Aussage darüber gemacht werden kann, was genau 

öffentlicher Raum in Shanghai ist und wo dieser zu lokali- 

sieren wäre. Die (öffentlichen) Aussenräume Shanghais 

sind nur dann «gute» Räume, wenn sie zu Innenräumen – oft 

auch nur temporär – transformiert werden. 

Nutzungen und Aneignungen in Tokyo 

Anders als in Shanghai ist das Leben auf den Strassen von 

Tokyo weniger vielseitig, auch auf den kleinen Strässchen, 

den roji. Zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts fanden zwar einige 

Intellektuelle Gefallen daran, durch die Strässchen der 

einstigen Altstadtgebiete Tokyos zu flanieren. In Anlehnung 

an Walter Benjamin gab es einige Schriftsteller, die das 

Flanieren zu ihrem literarischen Inhalt und Lebensstil ge- 

macht haben. 10 Doch davon ist im 21. Jahrhundert nicht mehr 

viel übrig geblieben. Das Flanieren in der Stadt scheint 

doch eher einer europäischen Vorstellung zu entsprechen. In 

Tokyo bewegt man sich heutzutage sehr gezielt durch die 

Stadt, sei es über grosse Distanzen mit einem der aufs beste 

ausgebauten öffentlichen Verkehrsmittel oder nur innerhalb 

des Quartiers, in dem die 

meisten Wege gemütlich zu 

Fuss oder mit dem Fahrrad 

zurückgelegt werden können. 

Überhaupt ist Tokyo ein 

Fahrradparadies. Man darf 

überall und in beide Rich- 

tungen fahren, auch auf den 

Gehsteigen [Abb. 19]. Zudem 

sind Fahrräder sehr billig 

und werden selten gestohlen. 

Der öffentliche Raum 

Tokyos wird deutlich weniger 

intensiv von den Bewohnern 

und Bewohnerinnen angeeignet 

als in Shanghai. Eine je- 

doch typische und sehr feine, 

daher von der Stadtverwaltung 

akzeptierte Form der 

Aneignung sind die soge- 

nannten potgardens, die vor 

den Häusern auf den Geh- 

wegen und zum Teil auch auf 

der Strasse stehen. Auf 

unaufdringliche Art dehnen 

die Hausbewohner so ihren 

Innenraum in den öffentli- 

chen, äusseren Raum aus, 

wodurch die roji [Abb. 20] 

beinahe unmerklich von einem 

offenen in einen inneren Be- 

reich transformiert werden. 

9 

Sonia Schoon, 

«Umfriedung und 

Draussen in 

der dichotomen 

Lebenswelt 

Shanghai», in: 

Die stadt als 

Wohnraum, hg. 

von Jürgen Hasse, 

Freiburg, 

München 2008. 

10 

Vgl. Evelyn 

Schulz, «Die 

‹Renaissance der 

Stadt› (toshi 

saisei) und die 

Wiederentdeckung 

der Hintergassen 

(roji) – Aspekte 

der Literatur und 

Kultur des Fla- 

nierens», in: Der 

Raum der stadt, 

hg. von Jürgen 

Krusche, Marburg 

2008.


Die Strasse als Aufgabe 

Bei der Betrachtung der urbanen Räume Tokyos und Shanghais 

wird deutlich, dass die westliche Art der Aufteilung des 

Raums in einen privaten und einen öffentlichen nicht auf 

chinesische und japanische Städte übertragen werden kann. 

Das andere Raumempfinden – oder besser: die andere Raumpro- 

duktion – Chinas und Japans hat über die Jahrhunderte 

spezifische Bauformen hervorgebracht, die mit der Einteilung 

privat/öffentlich nicht sinnvoll gefasst werden können. 

Ein lilong-Quartier in Shanghai oder ein roji in Tokyo sind 

beides Gestaltungen, die dieser anderen Konstitution von 

Raum eine sichtbare Form verliehen haben. Durch das Zusam- 

menwirken von Raumwahrnehmung, Raumvorstellung und materieller 

Raumgestaltung ist ein attraktiver Lebensraum ent- 

standen, in dem sich die Menschen über Generationen hinweg 

aufgehoben gefühlt haben. Diese Räume drohen zu verschwin- 

den, wenn Stadtverwaltungen und multinationale Investoren 

das spezifische Raumempfinden der eigenen Kultur nicht 

beachten und aus dem Westen importierte Architekturen und 

Masterpläne bevorzugen. 

Besonders die Strasse – dies gilt für die ostasiatische 

Stadt ebenso wie für die mitteleuropäische – spielt für den 

Erhalt aktiver Lebensräume eine nicht zu unterschätzende 

Rolle, weshalb auch Kisho Kurokawa immer wieder dafür plä- 

diert hat, die Strasse als architektonische und städte- 

bauliche Aufgabe ernst zu nehmen; diesem Plädoyer möchte 

ich mich gerne anschliessen. 11 

11 

Wie Anm. 5.


mexico city and the 

construction of its 

Public sPhere 

Minerva Cuevas 

"Place is not territory that, being circumscribed, contains the singularity; 

rather it is human practice that the imaginary works by demarcating through affect 

and cognition: a situated facilitating continent-actor, a memorably projective 

point of reference." 1 

Mexico City is a metropolis with a natural environment that generates æsthetic moments, 

infinite and unpredictable possibilities full of contradictions. It can be difficult to 

physically and conceptually locate the real public space, the social one, the one that 

has been legitimized by the intentions and activities of its inhabitants, rather than 

the one designated as public space on the basis of government decisions translated into 

urban planning, or one built on commercial interests. This social public space does not 

exist per se or to order: it has to be created. It is a territory that must, it seems, 

be continually conquered, starting with a direct relationship between human and social 

flows. 

This social public space is the trigger for æsthetic exercises whose conceptual axis is 

urban space. It is also what has helped make Mexico City a geographical reference point 

in contemporary art at the international level from the 1990s on. 

The elements that are relevant as triggers for the creative impulse and the conditions 

that create the need for artistic practices that appropriate the city, analyze its 

dynamics, exchange with it or intervene it, include both its physical characteristics 

and its social dynamics. This can be seen in works by many contemporary artists who 

have produced art in Mexico City, notably: Gabriel Orozco, Jimmie Durham, Francis Alÿs, 

Eduardo Abaroa, Abraham Cruzvillegas, Melanie Smith, Pedro Reyes, and the Tercer un 

Quinto collective. It also calls to mind the early work of artists like Damián Ortega, 

Jonathan Hernández and Luis Felipe Ortega. It seems to me that rather than there being 

a particular artist with a set of works totally dedicated to reflecting on the city's 

dynamics, the city itself is an element to which the creative energy of many artists 

needs to respond at one time or another. 

In the work Yielding stone (Piedra que cede, 1992), produced first in the city of 

Monterrey and later in Mexico City, Gabriel Orozco transports a plasticine sphere equal 

1 — Gabriel Orozco, Yielding stone, 1992, Courtesy of Kurimanzutto Gallery, Mexico City. 

Gabriel Orozco, Piedra que cede, 1992, courtesy of Galería Kurimanzutto. Mexico city. 

1 

Vergara, Abilio, 

(2000). 

"La ciudad desde 

sus lugares". 

In: conacultauAM, 

México.


to his own body weight (fig. 1). As it is pushed or rolled along, the ball of plasticine 

gradually picks up fragments of the city as it goes, incorporating into the plasticine 

the time and matter of an urban environment. 

I aim here to give examples of works of art that establish a relationship with the con- 

text they are created in, rather than other types of works that, although urban, do 

not represent a reflection on the context, a situation that can be commonly observed in 

permanent or temporary pieces of public sculpture produced in the city. An exception 

to this is Jimmie Durham's work entitled still life with spirit and Xitle (2007, fig. 2). 

Here the artist relates to the geological characteristics of the residential area of 

Jardines del Pedregal. Going beyond a mere fascination with the volcanic rock that 

characterizes this area of the south of the city in order to use it as a material, he 

starts "throwing stones" at historical context, at the disregarded history, which is 

that of the American Indians. This work is now accompanied by the publication Amoxohitli. 

librro de carretera. A Road book (Koenig, Köln 2011), produced in conjunction with Cesar 

Cervantes, in which all the texts are translated into Náhuatl. 

2 — Jimmie Durham, still life with spirit and Xitle, 2007, Courtesy of Collection Cesar Cervantes. 

3 — Eduardo Abaroa, carnival of Trash / Carnaval de la Basura 2010, Courtesy of Goethe Institute, 

Mexico City. 

The recent work of Eduardo Abaroa deals with urban issues. As part of the Residual 

exhibition organized by the University Museum of Science and Art, which took as its 

thematic axis the rubbish produced in the city, Abaroa contributed with the project 

carnival of Trash (2010, fig. 3). The idea of the carnival was for all the elements to 

be made of waste materials and the festive parade to be created by modifying the logic 

of public sculpture. The event saw the participation of the city's street cleaners, 

who, much to their surprise, were applauded by the crowd in recognition of their work. 

This unpredictable reaction by the public generated the most powerful and successful 

element of the project. 

Mexico City is a grey space and, at the same time, one full of colour. It is both 

friendly and hostile, a metropolis that is home to millions and yet is best experienced 

alone. It may be urban but its make-up is rural. It is itself and its opposite. It is 

a virtually indescribable context, necessarily defined on the basis of multiple ima- 

ginaries. Nobody can know it, traverse it or possess it in its entirety. It is an organism 

in constant transformation. This city is full of catastrophes and miracles, of infinite 

poverty and riches, and is also capable of giving one the feeling of being either at 

the centre of the universe or the end of the world. 

The Federal District is the city that is not, one that self destructs and strives to 

survive. Its periphery advances and the urban sprawl spreads forever outwards to a more 

distant point in space. Its limits cease to exist. Its borders can be constantly seen 

and perceived but the metropolis is in fact already uncontainable. 

Since 1950 Mexico City's population has multiplied and the urban area has begun to spill 

over from the central region to the unoccupied lands on the periphery. The concentration 

of industrial economic activity in the Federal District has encouraged rural immigration 

from other states in the country, particularly the poorest ones. This phenomenon is 

clearly depicted in Luis Buñuel's film The Forgotten Ones produced in 1950, which earned 

him the Best Director prize at the Cannes Film Festival and was also placed on the 

UNESCO World Heritage List.


In the early 1980s the Federal District was the most densely populated area in the 

country but it underwent major readjustment following the 1985 earthquake, part of the 

population of the central districts worst hit by the disaster moving to the south of 

the city. This resulted in these areas becoming populated by younger people, who popu- 

larized them, eventually leading to a process of gentrification, which is currently 

under way in another of the districts most severely affected by the quake, the Historic 

Centre. The nature of these districts has thus changed from being residential to mainly 

commercial. 

In 2003 the city officially exceeded the territorial limits of the Federal District and 

has since been known as the Metropolitan Zone of Mexico City (ZMCM). This includes the 

entire metropolitan area that is part of the urban sprawl of the neighbouring states. 

Even under a new name the city is still vast. One of the works that documents this sheer 

magnitude is spiral city (2002) by British artist Melanie Smith. In it she records the 

urban sprawl in a 5 minute video shot from a helicopter following the spiralling lines 

of Robert Smithson. The black and white video ultimately reduces the city to a grey 

texture. 

But seen from close up, there is not just one Mexico City, there have been many through- 

out history. What used to be the lake around the island of Tenochtitlan is now paved 

over, traversing it involves moving back and forth through the ages, exploring the syn- 

cretism evident in its architecture and social relations. 

The City of the Palaces 

The loss of economic capacity in Mexico has profoundly affected its architectural 

development and urban development, which in the past has proved more pleasing to its 

inhabitants. The generous architecture, planned and crafted, has gradually been re- 

placed by minimally functional structures, economical materials, standard designs and 

standard measurements, creating residential spaces that appear to be built on the 

socio-economic scale of the majority of the population, rather than on a human scale. 

With a recent project that took the form of sculptural work, a film and a play, Abraham 

Cruzvillegas performs the important task of analyzing the urban practice known as self- 

building (fig. 4). Using personal historical references as a starting point, he comes 

to see it as a warm-hearted process in which solidarity between neighbours and family 

members is fundamental, not just as shared capital but also as an educational envi- 

ronment that helps any individual who is part of a community to understand their own 

situation. And it is precisely this practice of self-building that has created the 

working class residential areas in which spaces such as markets, squares and streets 

fulfil their true function as social public spaces. 

4 — Abraham Cruzvillegas, Autoconstrucción: The Film, 2009, Courtesy of Galería Kurimanzutto. 

Mexico City.


Public space in Mexico City is not necessarily the kind that usually includes open 

spaces for circulation. In fact this space varies according to social class conditions 

and the areas created as a result of these conditions. What to one inhabitant may be 

a place for strolling and leisure activities located in a working class neighbourhood, 

to another is an area where they are afraid to venture and where they would be seen 

as an outsider and made to feel self-conscious of their class. 

One researcher in Mexico who has carried out numerous projects focused on public space 

in relation to Mexico City is Néstor García Canclini, who with his works on cultural 

and communicational development offers us the possibility of analyzing the imaginaries 

of such a sprawling city. 

The meaning of public space in the city can be said to depend to a considerable extent 

on the safety factor assigned to an area by a particular individual. This factor is 

also mentioned by Florencia Quesada Avendaño as part of her text: Imaginarios urbanos, 

espacio público y ciudad en América latina (urban Imaginaries, Public space and city 

in latin America), in which she produces a study of given phenomena in Latin American 

cities. One such example is the appearance of what are known as malls, places, she says, 

where the imported monumental architecture is associated with strolling and recreation, 

but above all spaces that are created and designed for consumption. At the same time 

they are a new public space for distinction and differentiation particularly symbolic 

of the middle and upper classes. New pseudo-public spaces for lifestyle consumption are 

thus created. These spaces promote a model represented by the values and culture of 

the US. 

One large-scale economic project in Mexico City that is emblematic of this spatial/ 

cultural transition is the mega development known as Santa Fe (fig. 5). Located in the 

west of the city, it was built on a landfill site and ended up becoming a business 

district that can only be reached by car, where the streets are not designed for walk- 

ing and where the lack of public transport has prevented the area from achieving a 

wider appeal. 

5 — Santa Fe, Courtesy of ImageShack


In his text la ciudad latinoamericana s.A. o el asalto al espacio público (The latin 

American city ltd or the assault on public space), Gustavo Remedi states: 

"Reflecting on public space forces us to think of space as a resource, as a 

product and as a practice (whether sensual, social, political or symbolic). 

The appropriation and particular use of space (both materially and symbolically) 

as well as the transformation of existing spaces and the production of hither- 

to unheard of spatialities, corresponding to various 'emerging' and competing 

cultural projects. […] In this sense, 'the assault on public space' translates 

into both the displacement of spaces and spatial practices that encourage 

social relations and the growth of a healthy public sphere (one that is free, 

sophisticated and inclusive) as well as the increase in useless spaces and 

hostile forms, which distort, inhibit and hinder its development." 

It is not possible to locate with any precision a social public space that might counter- 

act this change in the cultural sphere. But we can begin to look for it in the efforts 

to defend the freedom of spaces that create a sense of community. One example is the 

National Autonomous University of Mexico, and I am not referring to the physical space 

of the ciudad universitaria, but to the series of relations of economic and political 

negotiation represented by free education in Mexico. This is clearly demonstrated 

by the sense of community generated over the decades of student struggle to defend it 

(fig. 6). 

6 — Rector's Office Tower and Muralb y David Alfaro siqueiros, UNAM National Autonomous University 

of Mexico, Torre de Rectoría y Mural de David Alfaro Siqueiros, uNAM universidad Nacional Autónoma de 

México, courtesy of Victormoz, Dominio Público. 

Bibliography 

Duhau, Emilio; Angela Gigia (2008). las reglas 

del desorden: habitar la metrópoli. Siglo XXI, UAM, 

Azcapotzalco. 

Remedi, Gustavo. la ciudad latinoamericana s.A. o 

el asalto al espacio público: http://www.henciclopedia. 

org.uy/autores/Remedi/CiudadLatinoamSA.htm. 

Garcia Canclini, Nestor. "Un campus a la búsqueda 

de una ciudad". In: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana 

(2004). Historias compartidas: treinta años de vida 

universitaria, Vol. II, México D.F. 

Garcia Canclini, Nestor (1998). cultura y comunicación 

en la ciudad de México. Vol. I y II, Colección: 

Antropología. Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 

Grijalbo. 

Garibay, Juan Manuel. Itinerarios deambulatorios de 

Gabriel Orozco. susceptibilidad y desplazamiento. 

código DF. Arte y cultura contemporáneos desde la 

ciudad de México. 

Cruzvillegas, Abraham (2009). Autoconstrucción: 

The book. REDCAT, Los Angeles. 

Pérez Turrent, Tomás "Luis Buñuel in México". 

In: Paranaguá, Paulo Antonio (ed) (1995). Mexican cinema. 

British Film Institute (BFI), IMCINE, CONACULTA, London. 

Sitac - International Symposium on Contemporary Art 

Theory (2003). Arte y ciudad. Patronato de Arte Contemporáneo 

A.C, Mexico City. 

Alvarez Velasco, Ana; Valentina Rojas; Christian von 

Wissel (Eds.) (2006). citámbulos. Océano, Mexico City. 

Quesada Avendaño, Florencia, Imaginarios urbanos, espacio 

público y ciudad en América latina: 

http://www.oei.es/pensariberoamerica/ric08a03.htm. 

bifurcaciones. Journal of urban cultural studies: 

http://www.bifurcaciones.cl/001/feriaslibres.htm; 

http://www.bifurcaciones.cl/005/Low.htm. 

Institute of Research on Universities and Education (IISUE): 

http://www.100.unam.mx/. 

Residual Project: http://www.residual.com.mx.


la ciudad de méxico y 

la construcciÓn de su 

esfera PÚblica 

Minerva Cuevas 

"El lugar no es el territorio que, circunscrito, contiene la singularidad; 

es más bien la práctica humana que trabaja el imaginario demarcándo(se) por 

el afecto y la cognición: actor-continente posibilitador situado, punto de 

referencia memorablemente proyectiva." 1 

La Ciudad de México es una urbe que posee una naturaleza generadora de momentos estéticos, 

de posibilidades infinitas e impredecibles, y llena de contradicciones. Puede 

ser difícil ubicar física y conceptualmente el espacio público real, el social, el que 

ha sido legitimado por las voluntades y actividades de los habitantes, no el denominado 

espacio público a partir de decisiones gubernamentales traducidas en planeación urbana, 

ni el establecido a partir de intereses comerciales. Este espacio público social no 

existe per se, ni por mandato; tiene que ser generado: es un territorio que, al parecer, 

tiene que ser conquistado continuamente partiendo de una relación directa de flujos 

humanos y sociales. 

Es este espacio público social el que parece ser el detonador de ejercicios estéticos 

que tienen como eje conceptual el espacio urbano y el que contribuyó también a que 

la ciudad de México se convirtiera en un punto geográfico de referencia en el arte contem- 

poráneo a nivel internacional a partir de la década de los 90. 

Entre algunos de los elementos que parecen relevantes como detonadores del impulso crea- 

tivo y las condiciones que generan la necesidad de prácticas artísticas que se apropien 

de la ciudad, analicen sus dinámicas, intercambien con ella o la intervengan se encuentran 

tanto sus características físicas como sus dinámicas sociales. Esto lo podemos 

observar en obras de muchos artistas contemporáneos que han producido obra en la Ciudad 

de México entre los que destacan: Gabriel Orozco, Jimmie Durham, Francis Alÿs, Eduardo 

Abaroa, Abraham Cruzvillegas, Melanie Smith, Pedro Reyes, el colectivo Tercer un Quinto. 

También me remite a la obra temprana de artistas como Damián Ortega, Jonathan Hernández, 

Luis Felipe Ortega. Me parece que más que existir un artista en particular con un con- 

junto de obra totalmente dedicado a reflexionar sobre las dinámicas de la ciudad, es 

la ciudad un elemento al que la energía creativa de muchos artistas necesita responder 

en un momento o en otro. 

En la obra Piedra que cede (1992), realizada por primera vez en la ciudad de Monterrey 

y posteriormente en la Ciudad de México, Gabriel Orozco desplaza una esfera de plas- 

tilina que tiene su propio peso corporal. (Imagen 1) La bola de plastilina, empujada o 

rodando va coleccionando fragmentos de la ciudad a su paso, incorporando a la plastilina 

el tiempo y la materia de un entorno urbano. 

En este texto tengo el propósito de mencionar ejemplos de obras de arte que establezcan 

una relación con el contexto donde son generados, no otro tipo de obra que, aunque 

urbana, no represente una reflexión sobre el contexto, situación que es común observar 

en piezas de escultura pública permanente o temporal realizadas en la ciudad. Una 

excepción es la obra de Jimmie Durham, still life with spirit and Xitle (2007, Imagen 2), 

en la que el artista se relaciona con las características geológicas de la zona re- 

sidencial de Jardines del Pedregal. Yendo más allá de una mera fascinación con la piedra 

volcánica que caracteriza esa zona del sur de la ciudad para utilizarla como material, 

se pone a tirarle pedradas al contexto histórico, al desatendido, que es el de los 

indios americanos. Esta obra ahora está acompañada de la publicación: Amoxohitli. librro 

de carretera. A Road book (Koenig, Köln 2011), gestada junto con Cesar Cervantes en la 

que todos los textos se encuentran traducidos al idioma Náhuatl. 

La obra reciente de Eduardo Abaroa atiende a problemáticas urbanas. Como parte de la 

exposición Residual, organizada por el Museo Universitario de Ciencias y Artes, que tomó 

como eje temático la basura generada en la ciudad, Abaroa contribuyó con el proyecto 

carnaval de la basura (2010, Imagen 3). En la propuesta de carnaval todos los elementos 

serían hechos con material de desecho y el desfile festivo trabajado modificando la 

lógica de la escultura pública. En el evento participó el personal de limpieza de 

1 

Vergara, Abilio, 

(2000). 

"La ciudad desde 

sus lugares". 

In: conaculta- 

uAM, México.


la ciudad, quienes para su sorpresa fueron recibidos por la gente con aplausos de 

reconocimiento a su labor. Esta impredecible reacción del público generó el elemento 

más fuerte y exitoso del proyecto. 

La Ciudad de México es un espacio gris y al mismo tiempo lleno de color, es un lugar 

amable y hostil, es una urbe que hospeda multitudes y se vive en solitario, puede ser 

urbana pero la constituye lo rural, es ella y su opuesto. Es un contexto casi indescriptible, 

necesariamente definido a partir de múltiples imaginarios, nadie puede 

conocerlo por completo, transitarlo o poseerlo, es un organismo en constante transformación. 

Esta ciudad está llena de catástrofes y milagros, de infinitas miserias y 

riquezas y puede generar de igual modo el sentimiento de estar ya sea en el centro del 

universo o en el fin del mundo. 

DF es la ciudad que no es, la que se autodestruye y busca su supervivencia. Su perife- 

ria avanza y la mancha urbana se ubica a cada instante en un lugar más lejano en el 

espacio. Sus límites dejan de ser. Sus fronteras se ven y se presienten constantemente 

pero la metrópoli es ya en realidad incontenible. 

Desde 1950 la población de la Ciudad de México se multiplicó y el área urbana comenzó 

a desbordarse del territorio central hacia los terrenos desocupados de la periferia. 

La concentración de la actividad económica industrial en el Distrito Federal estimuló la 

inmigración rural proveniente de otros estados del país, especialmente de los más pobres. 

Este fenómeno queda particularmente retratado en el filme de Luis Buñuel los Olvida- 

dos, realizado en 1950, que le otorgó el premio al mejor director del festival de Cannes 

y que fue también reconocido por la UNESCO como Patrimonio de la Humanidad. 

Hacia la década de 1980, el Distrito Federal era la entidad más poblada del país, pero 

sufrió un reacomodo significativo a partir del sismo de 1985 ya que parte de la población 

de las zonas del centro más afectadas por el terremoto se fue a residir al sur 

de la ciudad., Esto resultó en que esas zonas terminaran pobladas de gente más joven que 

las popularizó y ocasionó que finalmente se generara un proceso de aburguesamiento, 

que actualmente también se ha generado en otra de las zonas más afectadas por el terre- 

moto, el Centro Histórico. Tal proceso ha mudado el sentido habitacional de esas zonas 

a uno principalmente comercial. 

En 2003 la ciudad desbordó oficialmente los límites territoriales del Distrito Federal 

y desde entonces se le denomina Zona Metropolitana de la Ciudad de México (ZMCM), la 

cual incluye toda la zona metropolitana que es parte de la mancha urbana de los estados 

vecinos. Con nuevo nombre, la ciudad seguiría siendo inabarcable. Una de las obras que 

documenta esta magnitud es spiral city (2002) de Melanie Smith, artista inglesa, en 

la que registra en un video de 5 minutos la mancha urbana tomada desde un helicóptero 

siguiendo el trazo en espiral de Robert Smithson. El video en blanco y negro termina 

abstrayendo la ciudad a una textura gris. 

Pero mirándola de cerca, la ciudad de México no es una sola, ha sido muchas a lo largo de 

la historia. Ahora lo que antes fuera el lago de la isla Tenochtitlan está cubierto 

de pavimento, transitarla implica retroceder y avanzar en sus épocas, recorriendo un 

sincretismo manifiesto en su arquitectura y relaciones sociales. 

La Ciudad de los Palacios 

La pérdida de capacidad económica en México ha herido profundamente su desarrollo 

arquitectónico y planeación urbana, otrora más complaciente a sus habitantes. La arqui- 

tectura generosa, planeada y artesanal ha venido siendo paulatinamente reemplazada por 

estructuras mínimamente funcionales, materiales económicos, diseños estándar, medidas 

estándar, desarrollando espacios habitacionales que más que basados en la escala humana 

parecen basados en la escala de la economía de la mayoría de la población. 

Abraham Cruzvillegas - con un proyecto reciente que se materializó en obra escultórica, 

una película y una obra de teatro-realiza un importante trabajo de análisis de la 

práctica urbana conocida como "autoconstrucción" (Imagen 4). Partiendo de referencias 

históricas personales, llega a entenderlo como un proceso cálido en el que la soli- 

daridad entre vecinos y familiares es primordial, no solo como capital compartido sino 

como un entorno educativo que ayuda a cualquier individuo como parte de una comunidad 

a entender su propia circunstancia. Y es precisamente la práctica de la autoconstrucción 

la que ha generado las áreas residenciales de clase popular en las que espacios como 

mercados, plazas, calles cumplen en realidad su función de espacios públicos sociales. 

El espacio público en la Ciudad de México no es necesariamente el que, como regla gene- 

ral, abarca los espacios abiertos de circulación. Este espacio en realidad varía de 

acuerdo a condiciones de clase y los territorios que a partir de éstas se generan. La 

que para un habitante pueda ser una zona de tránsito y esparcimiento ubicada en alguna


colonia popular, para otro representa un territorio al que teme acercarse y en el que 

sería visto como un extraño y con una carga de aprensión de clase. 

En México, uno de los investigadores que ha realizado múltiples proyectos en torno al 

espacio público en relación a la Ciudad de México es Néstor García Canclini, quien con 

sus trabajos realizados sobre el desarrollo cultural y comunicacional nos ofrece una 

posibilidad de análisis de los imaginarios en una ciudad tan diseminada. 

Es posible afirmar que el sentido de espacio público en la ciudad depende de manera im- 

portante del factor de seguridad que una zona represente para un determinado individuo. 

Este factor lo menciona también Florencia Quesada Avendaño como parte de su texto: 

Imaginarios urbanos, espacio público y ciudad en América latina, en el cual genera un 

estudio de fenómenos dados en ciudades Latinoamericanas. Un ejemplo es el caso de 

la aparición de los llamados "malls", lugares, dice, donde la arquitectura monumental 

importada está asociada con el paseo y la recreación, pero ante nada espacios que son 

creados y pensados para el consumo. Y que, a la vez, son un nuevo espacio público para 

la distinción y diferenciación simbólica especialmente de las clases altas y medias, 

Se producen entonces nuevos "seudo-espacios públicos" para el consumo de un estilo de 

vida. En estos espacios se promueve un modelo, representado por los valores y la cul- 

tura de los Estados Unidos. 

Un proyecto económico a gran escala en la ciudad de México que es emblemático de esta 

transición espacial/cultural es el magno desarrollo llamado Santa Fe (Imagen 5). 

Ubicado al poniente de la ciudad, fue construido sobre un relleno sanitario y terminó 

convirtiéndose en una ciudad corporativa a donde necesariamente se accede en automóvil, 

donde las calles no son para caminarse, y donde la falta de transporte público ha 

puesto en jaque la popularización de la zona. 

En su texto la ciudad latinoamericana s.A. o el asalto al espacio público, Gustavo 

Remedi anota: 

"Reflexionar sobre el espacio público obliga a pensar el espacio como recurso, 

como producto y como práctica (sensual, social, política, simbólica). La 

apropiación y utilización particular del espacio (tanto a nivel material como 

simbólico) así como la transformación de los espacios existentes y la producción 

de espacialidades inéditas, en correspondencia con distintos proyectos 

culturales 'emergentes' y en pugna. En este sentido, 'el asalto del espacio 

público' se traduce en el desplazamiento de espacios y prácticas espaciales que 

favorecen las relaciones sociales y el crecimiento de una esfera pública sana 

(libre, sofisticada, inclusiva) y el aumento de espacios inservibles y formas 

hostiles, que distorsionan, inhiben y obstaculizan su desarrollo." 

El espacio público social que contrarreste este cambio en la esfera cultural no puede 

ser localizado con precisión pero es en los ejercicios de defensa y libertad de los 

espacios que generan un sentido de comunidad por donde se puede comenzar la búsqueda. 

Un ejemplo es la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, y no me refiero a su espacio 

físico: Ciudad Universitaria sino a la serie de relaciones de negociación económica y 

política que representa la gratuidad de la educación en México. El sentido de comunidad 

generado en esta defensa a través de décadas de lucha estudiantil lo hace manifiesto 

(Imagen 6). 

Bibliografía 

Duhau, Emilio; Angela Gigia (2008). las reglas del desorden: 

habitar la metrópoli. Siglo XXI, UAM, Azcapotzalco. 

Remedi, Gustavo. la ciudad latinoamericana s.A. o el 

asalto al espacio público: http://www.henciclopedia.org. 

uy/autores/Remedi/CiudadLatinoamSA.htm. 

Garcia Canclini, Nestor. "Un campus a la búsqueda de una 

ciudad". En: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana (2004). 

Historias compartidas: treinta años de vida universitaria, 

Vol. II, México D.F. 

Garcia Canclini, Nestor (1998). cultura y comunicación 

en la ciudad de México. Vol. I y II, Colección: Antropología. 

Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Grijalbo. 

GARIBAY, Juan Manuel. Itinerarios deambulatorios de 

Gabriel Orozco. Susceptibilidad y desplazamiento 

código DF. Arte y cultura contemporáneos desde la ciudad 

de México. 

Cruzvillegas, Abraham (2009). Autoconstrucción: The book. 

REDCAT, Los Angeles. 

Pérez Turrent, Tomás "Luis Buñuel in México". 

In: Paranaguá, Paulo Antonio (ed) (1995). Mexican cinema. 

British Film Institute (BFI), IMCINE, CONACULTA, London. 

SITAC. Simposio Internacional de Teoría sobre Arte 

Contemporáneo (2003). Arte y ciudad. Patronato de Arte 

Contemporáneo A.C., Ciudad de México. 

Alvarez Velasco, Ana; Valentina Rojas; Christian von Wissel 

(Eds.) (2006). citámbulos. Océano, Ciudad de México. 

QUESADA Avendaño Florencia. Imaginarios urbanos, espacio 

público y ciudad en América latina: 

http://www.oei.es/pensariberoamerica/ric08a03.htm. 

BIFURCACIONES. Revista de estudios culturales urbanos: 

http://www.bifurcaciones.cl/001/feriaslibres.htm; 

http://www.bifurcaciones.cl/005/Low.htm. 

Instituto de Investigaciones sobre la Universidad y la 

Educación (IISUE): http://www.100.unam.mx/. 

Proyecto Residual: http://www.residual.com.mx.


sPatial Practices 

of oda Projesi 

and the 

Production of 

sPace in istanbul 

Derya Özkan 

In 1997, Özge Açıkkol, Güne¸s Sava¸s, and Seçil Yersel, three 

women artists who met as graduate students at Marmara Uni- 

versity Fine Art Academy (Istanbul), rented a ground floor 

apartment in one of the buildings surrounding the Italian 

Courtyard in Galata. Initially, they intended to use 

the apartment as a shared artists' studio. Born into urban 

middleclass families and having grown up in Istanbul, the 

three women, by then in their early to mid 20s, and who 

would later initiate the art collective Oda Projesi 1 , were 

in search of a space that would allow them to dissociate 

themselves from their parental homes and to work in a re- 

latively independent environment. Diverging from the atti- 

tudes of most of their fellow artists moving into Galata 

in the 1990s, Özge, Güne¸s, and Seçil started to commu- 

nicate with their low-income neighbors living around the 

Italian Courtyard, which physically facilitated face-toface 

encounters. 2 The first encounters were with local 

children, who began to pay frequent visits to their artist 

neighbors' apartment to join them painting or chatting. 

Next came the women of the neighborhood, who felt 

comfortable enough to share their daily lives with the 

artists. Acquaintances developed and the studio gradually 

transformed into a gathering place for the children and 

women living around the courtyard. In 2000, the three 

women artists gave themselves the group-name Oda Projesi, 

deciding to operate as an art collective and to further 

explore the possibilities arising from their lived 

experiences in Galata. 

The motivation for initiating the art collective lay in 

questions around how to make art in relation to and with 

an awareness of their immediate urban surroundings. In 

other words, for Oda Projesi members, deciding to form an 

art collective meant deciding to explore how art could 

not only be inspired by but also become a material response 

to urban social life in Istanbul. Defining Oda Projesi as 

an art project proposition or an initiative in search 

of new ways of art-making, Özge, Güne¸s, and Seçil describe 

their work as "an everyday life performance both shaping 

and being shaped by relationships between people and 

spaces" (Interview, 24 April 2006; Oda Projesi Archives 

2005). Asked about what is at the basis of their work, 

Seçil defines their initial motivations in the following 

way: 

"Oda Projesi is so much related to Istanbul in 

many different senses. First of all, we take 

inspiration from the spatial relationships that 

form the city of Istanbul. [This is about] a 

creative way of thinking about how spaces function. 

(...) We are making a direct appropriation of 

the ways in which this city functions, by using 

1 

Oda means room in 

Turkish. A literal 

translation of Oda 

Projesi would be 

"The room project". 

For more infor- 

mation on the art 

collective, see 

the Oda Projesi 

website: (www. 

odaprojesi.org). 

This website 

is currently under 

maintenance 

(accessed in March 

2011), but the 

Turkish contents 

of the website are 

accessible at 

http://www.oda 

projesi.blogspot. 

com. 

2 

I use the artists' 

first names for two 

reasons. First, 

the works that the 

art collective 

produces in Galata 

have a live qua- 

lity and they rely 

greatly on face- 

to-face relation- 

ships, where 

artists and neigh- 

bors know each 

other often only 

by first names. 

Also, and based on 

the foregoing, my 

analysis of Oda 

Projesi's work has 

an ethnographic 

dimension and this 

makes my personal 

relationship to 

them indispensable 

from my research. 

the existing potentials of the spaces in which we 

live together with other people. (...) You can 

easily see that there are always interventions in 

urban space in Istanbul, small or big touches... 

Everybody touches the city and in a way makes it 

his/her own (Interview, 31 May 2005)." 

Becoming aquainted with everyday life in and around the 

courtyard and exploring the city from 1997 to 2000, Özge, 

Güne¸s, and Seçil recognized the prevalence of the inhabitants' 

interventions in urban space in Istanbul and the 

roles such interventions play in the social production 

of space in the neighborhood they were actually part of. 

Motivated by the complex spatial constellations produced 

via the inhabitants' interventions, and taking them as 

their model, Oda Projesi started to realize art projects 

in Galata. In their own words, "the constantly changing 

courtyard, the multiple uses of penthouses, the make- 

shift ladder used as a shortcut from the courtyard to the 

apartments on upper floors, the kitchens extended into 

balconies in relatively small apartments, the laundry dry- 

ing rope stretched between windows" are some of the habits, 

practices, or situations Oda Projesi members consider as 

models which they borrow from everyday life in the neighborhood 

(Interview, 24 April 2006). 

Oda Projesi experiments with these models in various art 

projects that could be grouped in numerous ways. Filtered 

through my perspective that highlights their involvement 

with space and urban spatial practices, a major group 

is what I call situational works in Galata. The situational 

works functioned almost like a catalyst for Oda Projesi 

in its process of becoming an art collective; and the art 

collective continues using the artistic strategies developed 

in Galata in projects realized elsewhere. The situa- 

tional works interweave several strategies: the first 

strategy is to make use of already available socio-spatial 

situations in the neighborhood, interact with them, learn 

from them, and develop a response to them. The second in- 

volves creating situations by bringing to the Italian 

Courtyard people, ideas, and practices which are normally 

foreign to the neighbors – although they are readily avail- 

able within walking distance around Tünel. This strategy 

was deployed to create collaborative artworks or realize 

various events (such as a book reading, a shadow play 

show, an experimental music workshop) that took place either 

in the apartment, in the courtyard, or elsewhere in its 

close vicinity. All these works are necessarily sitespecific 

and require corporeal involvement. They animate 

social spaces and create spatial situations, in search of 

innovative forms of artistic representation.


Oda Projesi plays with alternative forms of representation 

also in its exhibition works that are made to be displayed 

in traditional art spaces such as museums, galleries, and 

biennials. In the exhibition works, Oda Projesi changes its 

artistic strategy, remaining within the space of the art 

institution and bringing into space things from the outside. 

For instance, a shanty, an illegitimately produced building 

that does not deserve to be called proper architecture 

due to its precarious existence is constructed by workers 

(hired by the art collective) in the backyard of a biennial 

venue, the legitimate site for art. 

Alternatively, in some other works, the art collective si- 

tuates itself inside the art institution while simultaneous- 

ly extending its artwork towards the outside. An example 

of this was Oda Projesi's contribution to the exhibition 

becoming a Place, curated by Vasıf Kortun in 2001 3 (Açıkkol 

2001). becoming a Place took place at Proje 4L, a museum 

of contemporary art located in the middle of a low-income 

neighborhood of run-down apartment buildings, as well as 

near a business district full of high-rise business blocks 

with glossy facades. Oda Projesi had a poster on the wall 

of the gallery space that directed the museum visitors 

to another address in the neighborhood – that of an apart- 

ment rented by Oda Projesi and turned into a space for 

various events from home visits to discussions on art. In 

the case of Oda Projesi's contribution to the exhibit, 

this apartment was in the process of becoming a place as 

it was constantly being filled with people and activities. 

A handout produced by Oda Projesi reads: "Spatial practices 

taking place in a specific place are what make it exist 

and give it its shape" (Oda Projesi Archives 2005). 4 The 

stuff of the situational works in Galata is this process 

of activation. Galata works, in this sense, are spatia- 

lizing actions that animate the social dynamics embedded 

in established places and transform them into political 

spaces of representation. The inhabitants actively partici- 

pate in the making of the social space, be it their own 

apartments or the courtyard. In the situational works, then, 

the concrete lived experiences of the project participants 

turn space from an inert thing, a being in and of itself, 

into a fluid and alive, thereby becoming process. 

The conception of space as a becoming process rather than 

a being as such is reminiscent of Henri Lefebvre's understanding 

of the production of space (Lefebvre 1991a). 

Considering space no longer as a thing in itself, a con- 

tainer in which things are located or practices take 

place, Lefebvre shifts the emphasis from space solely as 

an object to the spatiality of social life. Just as Marx, 

who made the conceptual and political shift from things in 

exchange to social relations of production, Henri Lefebvre 

worked through a shift from things in space to the pro- 

duction of space (Lefebvre 1991a; Merrifield 1995). Lefebvre 

opens his spatial thought to the unsettling effects of 

rethinking the everyday and its instabilities; and thus 

one of the major buttresses of his spatial thought is 

the becoming quality of space (Lefebvre 2006, 2002, 1991b). 

For Lefebvre, space is a process; it is fluid and alive. 

It is not a dead or inert thing; it is not merely a 

physical container (Lefebvre 1991a). Thus space is always 

becoming, not a being as such. Lefebvre's work troubles 

the dualistic understanding of space restricted to its use 

and exchange values and to a merely causal (determineddetermining) 

relation between the two. Combining his work 

on space with a critique of everyday life, Lefebvre ele- 

vates lived experience to the status of a critical con- 

cept in rethinking the production of space (Lefebvre 1991a, 

2002; Kaplan & Ross 1987). This move, in turn, leads 

3 

The art collec- 

tive employed this 

strategy also in 

some other site- 

specific projects. 

In Riem, Munich, 

for instance, Oda 

Projesi members 

were artists in 

residence, and the 

center of opera- 

tion was Kunst- 

halle Riem. Yet 

the artwork exten- 

ded into the 

neighborhood and 

made actual living 

spaces—both in- 

doors and outdoors 

– parts of the 

artworks (Oda 

Projesi Archives 

2005). 

4 

The original is 

in Turkish, the 

translation is 

mine. 

5 

For a more de- 

tailed discussion 

of Lefebvre's 

trialectical 

understanding of 

the production of 

space and my 

update on it with 

reference to 

Michael Hardt and 

Antonio Negri, 

please see my un- 

published Ph.D. 

thesis available 

online in the 

University of 

Rochester Digital 

Archives: http:// 

hdl.handle. 

net/1802/6201. 

Lefebvre to expand his spatial thought and to develop a 

spatial trialectics. 5 Seeking to exceed the dualism between 

use and exchange values of space inherent to normative 

definitions of the capitalist production of space, Lefebvre 

draws attention to a third level at which space can be 

understood. He calls this third level lived/social space 

or representational space; and he argues that the relation- 

ship between space and politics can be understood only 

if this third level is also included in the analysis of 

the production of space (Lefebvre 1991a, Merrifield 1995). 

In its artistic commentary on the production of space and 

spatial practices, Oda Projesi relies on a definition of 

representational space akin to that in Lefebvre's trialectics. 

For Lefebvre, representational/lived/social spaces 

are political spaces; and their politics is colored by 

the social practices that they are made up of. Similarly, 

the art collective explores the politics of the userinhabitants' 

spatial practices in Istanbul. In Oda Projesi's 

projects, everyday spatial interventions by the inhabi- 

tants in their immediate urban environments appear as 

integral to the production of space in the city. In other 

words, just like practices of urban designers, decisions 

of the state and real estate developers, processes of 

gentrification and large-scale urban regeneration projects, 

these minuscule interventions that are relatively difficult- 

to-name should nonetheless be recognized as practices 

and processes that play roles in giving shape and color to 

urban space. 

Oda Projesi's work can be seen as one among many contemporary 

art practices that have recently been explored by 

critics and theorists as suggestive of an emerging rubric 

in the history of art. These practices go by a variety 

of names such as collaborative, relational, socially/po- 

litically engaged, situationist, or new genre public art. 

There is an ongoing discussion on the definition of this 

new rubric which comprises multiple discourses. Suzanne 

Lacy situates some of these practices within the tradition 

of public art, and thus calls them "the new genre public 

art" (Lacy 1995). While Miwon Kwon rethinks these practices 

in terms of rethinking site-specificity with regard to 

locational identity (Kwon 2002; Demos 2003), Claire Doherty 

calls them the new situationists with reference to the 

interventionism of the Situational International of the 

1960s (Doherty 2004). Carlos Basualdo and Reinaldo Laddaga 

argue that this new rubric can be defined as the politically 

engaged art of the age of globalization dedicated to 

social change through the creation of experimental communities 

(Basualdo & Laddaga 2004). Last but not least


importantly, Nicolas Bourriaud coins the phrase relational 

aesthetics to theorize these practices (Bourriaud 2002). 

Bourriaud's theory is in turn confronted by Claire Bishop, 

who considers the emergence of these practices as a social 

turn in aesthetics and criticizes them for privileging 

ethics over aesthetics (Bishop 2006, 2004). 

These critical discourses share an emphasis on the artwork 

less as a product than as a process, as well as an interest 

in collective production and social communication. Taking 

place either inside traditional exhibition spaces or in 

actual public space, some of these practices look like urban 

activism, some like community-based art education. While 

some of the artists considered under this rubric went so 

far as to instrumentalize art to help disadvantaged urban 

inhabitants or empower them, some others self-consciously 

distanced themselves from this instrumentalization and 

strived not to resemble the social work services provided 

by the state to offer solutions to social problems and 

help maintain the stability of the existing society. 6 Some 

of the artists in this last group, who refrained from 

educating the ordinary inhabitants who become collaborators 

in their art projects, prefered rather to learn from 

them. The projects realized in Galata by Oda Projesi 

followed this last strategy, by recognizing their collaborators' 

already existing forms of relating to urban 

space, and by making use of these forms as models in their 

own art projects. 

This new culture in the arts, as Carlos Basualdo and Reinaldo 

Laddaga call it, problematizes the definitions of art's 

production, exhibition, and consumption by rethinking them 

with regard to contemporary social issues, and by reconsidering 

art's proximity to the social sphere in the parti- 

cular historical conjuncture of globalization. Basualdo 

and Laddaga further state that the growing number of artists 

that characterize this emergent culture effects a "globali- 

zation from below" (Basualdo & Laddaga 2004, p. 169). 

Engaging in "the creation of exchange networks" through a 

"non-hierarchical collaborative production," these artists 

are in search of "new representational forms" (Basualdo 

& Laddaga 2004, pp. 166–169). 

Considering both the art institution and the urban realm 

as spaces of political representation, Oda Projesi super- 

imposes the social practice of art onto social practices 

of urban everyday life. The art collective raises questions 

about the relation between space and authorship, comments 

on the discursive representations of space, and experiments 

with the political potentials of representational spaces. 

Oda Projesi investigates the cases in which normative 

definitions of the capitalist production of space is com- 

plicated by everyday spatial practices of the inhabitants 

of Istanbul. Oda Projesi's work is a demonstration of 

how the user-inhabitants of the city of Istanbul create 

spatial constellations and become spatial authors by 

activating/actualizing what I call the misuse value of 

space. 7 Oda Projesi pushes the boundaries of spaces beyond 

their prescribed definitions and creates openings where 

the inhabitants' practices come to acquire spatial authorship. 

Space is thus realized through an activation of the 

misuse value of space, at the point where the causal 

relationship between the use and exchange value of space 

is transgressed. 

The misuse value of space is an excessive value that comes 

into being as an excess of the practices that make social 

spaces. This value is neither required nor predictable. 

It comes on the scene when space is realized by the users 

at the moment of its deflection. Oda Projesi's spatial 

practices are partial experiments where this realization 

is sought. Through transgressions of spatial boundaries, 

the art collective explores the political openings 

engendered by the activation of the misuse value of space. 

In this sense, the works of Oda Projesi are propositions 

that strive to rethink the multiple definitions of the 

production of space and to imagine emancipatory representational 

forms that urban space potentially can take in 

the contemporary social geography of Istanbul. 

References 

Açıkkol, Özge (ed.) (2001). becoming 

a Place / Yerle¸smek. Proje 4L-Istanbul 

Museum of Contemporary Art, Istanbul. 

Basualdo, Carlos and R. Laddaga. 

"Rules of Engagement". In: Artforum 

3/2004, pp. 166–169. 

Bishop, Claire. (2006). "The Social 

Turn: Collaboration and its 

discontents". In: Artforum, Vol. 44, 

2/2006, pp. 178–183. 

Bishop, Claire. "Antagonism and 

Relational Aesthetics". In: October, 

Vol. 110, 3/2004, pp. 51–79. 

Bourriaud, Nicolas. (2002). Relational 

Aesthetics. Trans. S. Pleasance & 

F. Woods. Les Presses du Réel, Dijon. 

Demos, T.J.. "Rethinking sitespecificity". 

In: Art Journal, Vol. 

62, 2/2003, pp. 98–100. 

Doherty, Claire (ed.) (2004). 

From studio to situation. Black Dog 

Publishing, London. 

Interview with Oda Projesi, 31 May 

2005; Interview, 24 April 2006. 

Kaplan, Alice and Kristin Ross (Eds.) 

(1987). everyday life. Special issue 

of Yale French Studies, p. 73. 

Kwon, Miwon (2002). One place after 

another: site-specific art and loca- 

tional identity. MIT Press, Cambridge. 

6 

Thomas Hirschhorn 

is among the 

artists who 

subscribe to 

this approach. 

7 

For more on the 

theoretical 

concept of the 

misuse value of 

space, which I 

developed in my 

Ph.D. thesis, 

please see the 

University of 

Rochester Digital 

Archives: http:// 

hdl.handle. 

net/1802/6201. 

Lacy, Suzanne (ed.) (1995). Mapping 

the terrain: new genre public art. 

Bay Press, Seattle. 

Lefebvre, Henri (2006). critique of 

everyday life Volume III: From 

Modernity to Modernism. Towards a 

Metaphilosophy of Daily life. Trans. 

Michel Trebitsch. Verso, London. 

Lefebvre, Henri (2002). critique of 

everyday life Volume II: Foundations 

for a sociology of the everyday. 

Trans. John Moore. Verso, London. 

Lefebvre, Henri (1991a). The Pro- 

duction of space. Trans. Donald 

Nicholson-Smith. Blackwell Publishers, 

Oxford. 

Lefebvre, Henri (1991b). critique of 

everyday life Volume I: Introduction. 

Trans. John Moore. Verso, London. 

Merrifield, Andy. "Lefebvre, 

Anti-Logos and Nietzsche: An Alter- 

native Reading of The Production of 

space". In: Antipode, Vol. 27, 3/1995, 

pp. 294–303. 

Oda Projesi Archives, 2005.


art's indecent ProPosal: 

collaboration. 

an attemPt to think collectively 

Derya Özkan in Conversation with Oda Projesi 

Picnic in the courtyard in front of the Oda Projesi space in Galata, 2003 / Galata'da Oda Projesi mekânının önündeki avluda piknik, 2003. 

This discussion, 

originally con- 

ducted in Turkish, 

took place in 

April 2006 through 

e-mails exchanged 

between Istanbul 

and Rochester. At 

that time, Derya 

Özkan was writing 

the chapter of her 

Ph.D. thesis which 

focused on Oda 

Projesi. She read 

a text by Claire 

Bishop in the Feb- 

ruary 2006 issue 

of Artforum. In 

this text, Bishop 

criticises colla- 

borative art prac- 

tices and discusses 

Oda Projesi. After 

reading Bishop's 

text, Derya 

addressed some 

questions to Oda 

Projesi's three 

members (Özge Açık- 

kol, Günes¸ Savas¸, 

Seçil Yersel), and 

thereby initiated 

this discussion. 

The text then grew 

from the answers 

given to Derya's 

questions and com- 

ments; new ques- 

tions were then 

added to the exist- 

ing answers. This 

version of the 

text, which was 

very difficult to 

read in a linear 

fashion, was re- 

viewed by its four 

authors in Feb- 

ruary–April 2011. 

We have added 

subtitles to mark 

the discontinuities 

in the 

text, but they are 

not meant to di- 

vide the text into 

sections devoted 

to a single issue. 

We suggest that 

our readers think 

of these subtitles 

as cumulative 

discussion topics. 

In other words, 

when there is a 

new subtitle, this 

does not mean that 

the discussion 

under the previous 

subtitle is com- 

pleted. Rather, 

one topic adds to 

the other and they 

keep accumulating. 

bu muhavere, 2006 

Nisan ayında 

I˙stanbul ile 

Rochester arasında 

gidip gelen 

e-mail'ler üzerinden 

Türkçe 

olarak gerçekles¸tirildi. 

Derya 

Özkan o esnada 

doktora tezinin Oda 

Projesi ile ilgili 

bölümünü yazıyordu 

ve 2006 yılı s¸ubat 

ayında Artforum 

dergisinde yayınlanmıs¸ 

olan, 

is¸birlig˘ine dayalı 

sanatı eles¸tiren 

ve Oda Projesi' 

nden de bahseden 

claire bishop 

imzalı makaleyi 

okudu. Derya, bu 

okuma esnasında 

kafasında olus¸an 

soruları Oda 

Projesi sanatçıları 

Özge 

Açıkkol, Günes¸ 

savas¸ ve seçil 

Yersel'e yönel- 

terek muhavereyi 

bas¸lattı. 

bas¸langıçtaki 

sorulara verilen 

cevaplara, onlar 

hakkında yapılan 

yorumlar ve yeni 

sorular eklenerek 

bir metin olus¸tu- 

ruldu. Dog˘rusal 

olarak okunması 

çok güç olan bu 

metin, 2011 

yılının s¸ubat- 

Nisan aylarında 

muhaverenin dört 

müellifi tarafından 

yeniden gözden 

geçirildi. Metin- 

deki kesintilere 

is¸aret etmek üzere 

ara bas¸lıklar 

eklendi. bu ara 

bas¸lıklar, metni 

tek bir konunun 

tartıs¸ıldıg˘ı 

parçalara bölmek 

için konulmadı. 

Okuyucularımıza, 

bu ara bas¸lıkları 

üstüste, birbirine 

eklenen, yıg˘ılan, 

biriken tartıs¸ma 

konuları olarak 

düs¸ünmesini öne- 

riyoruz. Yani, 

yeni bir bas¸lık 

açıldıg˘ında bir 

önceki bas¸lık 

altındaki tartıs¸ma 

bitmiyor; aksine, 

bir konu dig˘erine 

ekleniyor, konular 

üstüste yıg˘ılmaya 

devam ediyor.


Derya: When I read the Artforum text by Claire Bishop 

(Bishop 2006), I was intrigued by some of her arguments. 

1. She argues that Oda Projesi strives to minimalise 

authorship, that this is a conceptual gesture, and that 

this move is used by Oda Projesi to develop an ethics 

based on the rejection of the authorial position (Bishop 

2006, pp. 180–181). 

2. She claims that aesthetic judgement is not something 

that concerns Oda Projesi and that, for the art collective, 

even the concept of aesthetics is a dangerous word that 

has to be kept out of the discussion (Bishop, p. 180). 

3. She further argues that the group openly conceives its 

work as antagonistic or activist (Bishop 2006, p. 180). 

4. Referring to Grant Kester's conversation Pieces, she 

writes: "for (...) supporters of socially engaged art, 

the creative energy of participatory practices rehumanizes 

or at least dealienates a society rendered numb and frag- 

mented by the repressive instrumentality of capitalism. 

But the urgency of this political task has led to a situa- 

tion in which such collaborative practices are automati- 

cally perceived to be equally important artistic gestures 

of resistance: there can be no failed, unsuccessful, un- 

resolved, or boring works of collaborative art because 

all are equally essential to the task of strengthening the 

social bond" (Bishop 2006, p. 180). 

5. For Bishop, in collaboration-based art practices, 

creativity is reduced to collective action and to sharing 

ideas (Bishop 2006, p. 180). 

6. She says that unlike the practices of artists like 

Thomas Hirschhorn, who deliberately makes visible the ex- 

ploitative character of his relation to his collaborators, 

Oda Projesi expresses a kind of generosity that has a 

tendency to turn its collaborators into volunteering and 

harmonious participants (Bishop 2006, p. 181). 

7. Finally, there is also the problem of how we should 

conceive the concept of community. Bishop does not elaborate 

on this issue in her 2006 essay but instead she discus- 

ses it at length in her previous Antagonism and Relational 

Aesthetics (Bishop 2004). There is no reference to Oda 

Projesi in this earlier text, but one might find a similar 

criticism about collaborative art in general. She claims 

that such an artistic approach tends to comprehend community 

as something unified, requiring the mutual identi- 

fication of its members and relying on harmony rather than 

conflict or contradiction. However, she argues, community 

can be transformed into something democratic and political 

only if it is understood as a platform for continuous 

antagonism. 

Neighbouring 

Seçil: The issue of community is rather significant here. 

I prefer to define it as an ensemble of people whose 

qualities establish a whole. The motif of artists working 

with community should lead us to reflect upon what 

reducing community merely to a material for art involves. 

Could we say that Oda Projesi proposes the concept of the 

neighbour rather than that of community? I am not only 

referring to our experiences and positioning in the Galata 

neighbourhood in Istanbul. What I am trying to indicate is 

the need to reverse the process in which both the neigh- 

bourhood in which we spent eight years and our neighbours 

are reduced to a mere cate- 

gory by some of those seeking 

to describe our work. Does 

theorisation necessarily 

entail squeezing a group of 

people into the term community? 

Neighbouring is a 

state of becoming which has 

to be metaphorically substantiated 

and constantly 

re-formed. A unified and 

harmonious structure is 

always already unrealistic 

and impossible; or if any 

such claim exists, it is 

perhaps constructed retro- 

spectively, or amounts 

to pretension. For instance, 

we were once invited to an 

exhibition project in Bristol 

and the organisers asked 

us to work with that group 

or that community. We suggested 

working with people 

who form a collectivity upon 

meeting us and each other, 

and who then disperse once 

the project has finished, 

rather than working with a 

predefined group of people. 

Our proposal was rejected. 

Community is indeed a frag- 

mented, procreative, disharmonious, 

and conflictual 

structure. That's why it 

can survive and produce new 

thinking. Therefore, I would 

propose a definition of 

Oda Projesi as a project in- 

volving neighbours rather 

than a pre-defined community 

Derya: I suppose what you 

mean here is not physical 

proximity but something else. 

So not only your neighbour 

next door, right? What exac- 

tly do you have in mind? 

Something like states of be- 

coming, in a world that is 

multiple, antagonistic, and 

fluid? 

Özge: To understand where 

one stands, one has to look 

at those who stand nearby. 

The word neighbour refers to 

people who are sharing the 

same space, coincidentally 

or not, that is, who are 

face-to-face. This sense of 

sharing shapes the course 

of life. We don't construct 

our lives alone. The power 

of architecture emerges 

at the boundary lines that 

separate lives from each 

other. If this boundary re- 

fers to the walls of a flat 

or a house, we can argue 

that the situation intensi- 

fies in certain spaces and 

cases more forcefully than 

in others. Oda Projesi, on 

the other hand, is perhaps 

willing to soften and erase 

these sharp divisions. Neigh- 

bourhood is actually a 

notion that relies on spa- 

tiality; it is something that 

shapes space; it requires 

everyone to define the 

boundaries of private life 

as they want to: some neigh- 

bours prefer to remain 

unseen and hidden and that 

creates particular uses 

of space, whereas some others 

develop more extroverted 

structures. For instance, 

some people use curtains, 

some do not; and these deci- 

sions depend on to what 

extent people want to relate 

to the exterior world and 

the people who are physically 

nearby. In that sense, 

establishing a relationship 

with one's neighbours is 

perhaps the first step to 

becoming part of the public 

sphere. Therefore, for 

Oda Projesi, it is perhaps 

important to discuss publicprivate 

divisions, and how 

architectural paradigms 

shape these divisions along 

with different modes of 

neighbourhood. This includes 

not only two persons being 

neigbours but also two urban 

spaces being neighbours... 

Derya: Here, I perceive 

a positive significance that 

you attach to the process of 

becoming part of the public 

sphere. This reminds me of a 

perspective that presumes 

the state of being public as 

something automatically good 

– which I find problematic. 

Would definitions like be- 

coming collective, collective 

living, or commonality 

perhaps be more suitable in 

this context?


Authorship 

Derya: Using Hirschhorn as an example for the concept of 

authorship, Bishop argues that Hirschhorn's decision not 

to abandon artistic authorship is a correct move. I think 

Bishop does not really discuss the issue of authorship 

in a way that questions it. What I find appealing in 

Oda Projesi's works is exactly a dimension that is missing 

in Bishop: namely, the problematisation of authorship. 

A complete abandonment of authorship is perhaps impossible 

for artists today. Yet raising the subject for discussion 

is quite meaningful. I would say that Oda Projesi pro- 

blematises authorship in two different senses of the term: 

artistic authorship and spatial authorship. For me, the 

central problem is not about who holds authorship, or 

whether it is transferred (easily and heroically) from the 

artists to the participants (or from the architect/city 

planner to the neighborhood community) or not – as exempli- 

fied in Bishop's argumentation. The main issue is conceiving 

and dissecting authorship itself as a problem. 

When it comes to spatial authorship, it becomes even more 

difficult, since the knowledge of architecture, urbanism, 

and design is taken as a given and its authority and 

dominance are usually not challenged. This dominant expert 

knowledge and its professional ideology do not allow any 

dispute about who holds the authorship of space. I would 

say, here one also needs to think of the concepts of 

autonomy and authorship together. Authorship involves an 

authorial position and almost implies some sort of autho- 

rity. Is it possible to hold authorship and be autonomous 

at the same time? Perhaps there is a need to reflect upon 

the concept of autonomy from the scratch. These questions 

remind me of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's work, the 

Zapatistas, and John Holloway's change the World without 

Taking Power. Perhaps there is a need to conceive autonomy 

not as the autonomy of the individual but as autonomous 

sites emerging at the intersections of singularities. Can 

we think of autonomy in this sense as a concept challenging 

authorship? 

Özge: The real issue is to generate states of autonomy in 

contexts formed through authorship. Only at this point can 

autonomy perhaps equalize anonymity and authorship. Yes, 

Oda Projesi is a signature, and I think there is room for 

autonomy in the spheres it creates as long as it main- 

tains open-endedness in its projects. I guess you are bring- 

ing up the issue of rethinking this spatially when you 

talk about the intersection points of singularities? 

Derya: Yes, I mean a rethinking of authorship in spatial 

terms. 

Özge: This is also an issue that is bound to context. For 

instance, Hirschhorn produces his work as an artist in 

the context of contemporary art. He pays the participants 

from the neighbourhood and as an artist he himself is 

also a remunerated part of the chain. This is also what 

distinguishes the early phase of Oda Projesi: if there is 

no public funding for contemporary art in Turkey, we told 

ourselves that we can then develop alternative strategies. 

As Hüseyin Alptekin once said, "complaining does not 

help." I think it is important to be aware of these kinds 

of institutional conditions while discussing the works 

of artists operating in these kinds of art systems in a 

European context. There the artist is paid for criticising 

the state; and this is a by-product of compensation poli- 

ies in Europe. Artists oppose the state with funds from 

the state; that is, and I am exaggerating of course, the 

state is buying self-criticism. 

Additionally, the lived ex- 

periences have to be taken 

into consideration. Relation- 

ships and art works in a way 

lose their lived quality when 

they are discussed according 

to theories. In this sense, 

artistic and everyday expe- 

riences are not shared to 

a sufficient extent. For in- 

stance, the ethical, aesthe- 

tic, and political dimensions 

of Hirschhorn's work are 

discussed intensively, but as 

someone coming from the Oda 

Projesi experience, I am 

more curious about the back- 

ground events of that par- 

ticular work: what kind of 

experiences did the artist 

make during the project? 

What kind of interventions, 

changes, or exchanges did 

the work produce within the 

lives of its contributors? 

There is an instance of 

having contact with a com- 

munity, and therefore it 

cannot be perceived as a 

one-dimensional work and it 

cannot be read solely through 

the context of art. We made 

a similar mistake in our work 

Ada in that we could not 

reflect sufficiently on the 

details of our collaborative 

experience with Mustafa 

Tetik. 1 

Günes¸: I want to go back to 

the question of "what kind 

of interventions, changes, or 

exchanges the work produces 

within the lives of its 

contributors". Each project 

brings me a sense of ex- 

citement and unforeseeability. 

Then come moments 

of exchange. When the project 

comes to its end, what re- 

mains are relations that 

are produced during these ex- 

changes. In several instan- 

ces, we realized that we 

could not fully manage to 

share the relations that had 

emerged during the project. 

Intervention sounds to me to 

be an excessively sharp con- 

cept. I would say that Oda 

Projesi does not intend to 

intervene but it imagines an 

exchange triggered by the 

sense of being displaced in 

the places and positions it 

occupies, and by a corres- 

ponding potential transfor- 

mation. The question is what 

kind of things can you 

1 

Ada was Oda 

Projesi's contribu- 

tion to the 8th 

Istanbul Biennial. 

As part of this 

contribution, 

a gecekondu called 

"Mustafa Tetik 

Model" was built on 

the premises of 

the Biennial venue 

Antrepo by Mustafa 

Tetik and his 

friends, who were 

experienced gece- 

kondu master- 

builders. The build- 

ing process and the 

accompanying dis- 

cussions were video- 

taped but this 

footage was not used 

later in the pre- 

sentation of the 

work. The gecekondu 

was accompanied 

by Annex, a newspaper 

composed of texts 

discussing urban 

issues by way of the 

idea of the gece- 

kondu. Annex was 

designed by Oda Pro- 

jesi and distri- 

buted free of charge 

during the Biennial.


see anew while reinspecting routine and banal elements of 

your everyday life? 

Making Mistakes 

Derya: Özge, can you elaborate a little bit more on what 

you have called a mistake? 

Özge: The mistake was that we got lost in the process that 

made the project. The part of the project that we presented 

to the public was limited to a presentation that did not 

reflect the process of production; in other words, it re- 

mained mere decoration. This is what I call a mistake. 

Although it might sound much too much like a generalisation, 

Marius Babias's On the strategic use of Politics in the 

context of Art, published in the catalogue of the Istanbul 

Biennial in 2005 is relevant here. He writes: "Within 

the process of globalisation, art was given a new role as 

embellisher and visual coloniser of everyday life... For 

instance, artists organised exhibitions and projects first 

to criticise the city and its urbanity in the 1990s, 

only to see them become politically instru-mentalised and 

absorbed by city marketing strategies." (Babias 2005, 

p. 291). 

Derya: What Babias describes is happening at the present. 

I could cite many examples, but one also has to be cautious 

about generalisations... Teddy Cruz is a case in point 

in the field of architecture. A US citizen of Guatemalan 

origin, Cruz places the makeshift settlements in Tijuana 

on the US-Mexico border at the center of his architectural 

philosophy, and thus elevates the status of these shacks 

made informally of mostly found materials. He emphasises 

the flexibility of these dwellings, their democratic and 

creative qualities, and cites them as inspirations of 

his own architectural production. Against the dullness of 

gated communities and American suburbs that are breeding 

alienation, he proposes "a humane model" inspired by these 

dwellings. 

If we go back to the notion of mistake that you mentioned, 

I suppose that the structures of relations are quite 

different from those of presentation (or exhibition, or 

indeed of representation). Could this be the reason for 

the difficulties one encounters while exhibiting? It seems 

to me that those works of Oda Projesi which rely on rela- 

tions or, in other words, which are based solely on 

relations, diverge considerably from those projects where 

something is displayed as part of the exhibits. In the 

latter case, difficulties arise as a consequence of the 

exhibition setup, the artworld and its institutionality. 

There is a given framework of representation which has 

to be challenged. In some cases, this forces your work to 

convey too literal political messages. I am saying this 

from my own perspective, as someone who has reflected upon 

and written on Oda Projesi. For instance, it is really 

difficult to put into words and describe what you did in 

Galata since these are practices that challenge theorisation. 

But Ada, the work that we have just talked about, 

almost loses the richness that comes from the ambiguity 

of the process behind the work and acquires an explicitly 

political message. We can even say that it acquires a 

certain kind of representational force within the framework 

of the biennial, which you would not expect or 

necessarily want. 

Özge: Here, we can bring up the issue of the transformative 

power of theory. Could we say that we as a group make 

use of transformative means at experience-sharing stage? 

This refers both to shifting the space of that experience 

and also to its presentation. 

I would prefer to use the 

concept of re-presentation 

rather than representation. 

Exactly at that point when 

we start reflecting upon the 

work or the action, we are 

interested in discussions 

that emerge from our presen- 

tation rather than in spe- 

culating on its success or 

failure. 

Seçil: I do not believe that 

projects lose their livedness 

when they are exposed 

to various sorts of theoreti- 

cal deliberation. Lived-ness 

is lived-ness, and in pro- 

jects like ours it is fairly 

instant. What can ever re- 

place these moments anyway? 

I think sound theorisation 

does not damage lived-ness 

but transforms it. We also 

enjoy theorising our ex- 

periences while explaining 

them to others, and some- 

times we find ourselves in 

situations of over-theo- 

risation. The ideal case is 

when the project itself 

develops its own terminology 

and theoretical tools. 

I guess we intend to, or at 

least tend to, do it this 

way. I think in our experience 

there are four stages 

of project making: 1. Pre- 

project reflection; 2. The 

practice itself; 3. Theory 

of lethargy; 4. Theory of 

the project. These occur in 

this sequence but they also 

merge into each other. 

Özge: Can you expand a little 

bit on the theory of lethargy? 

What I am really trying to 

say is that lived-ness dis- 

appears in the depths of 

theory when it is not shared. 

Seçil: What I mean is this: 

after the intensive practi- 

cal phase, a sense of aliena- 

tion emerges in relation 

with the case and the space – 

which is actually something 

positive. It entails some 

sort of intermission, distan- 

tiation, and even a little 

bit of escape from the pro- 

ject. We can describe this 

as the theory of the impossi- 

bility of perpetual produc- 

tion. The state of lethargy, 

which involves stillness and 

to a certain extent resignation, 

can be considered as 

a healthy period following 

intensive lived-ness; but 

the control over the duration 

of this period should 

be in the hands of the 

artist or of the collective 

as the producer(s) of space 

and relations. I think that 

this intermediate period 

also needs theorisation and 

reflection. While complete 

withdrawal or relaxation is 

not possible, or should 

remain short-termed, there 

are occasions within this 

phase that enable theoretisa- 

tion – with the help of new 

perspectives emerging in 

the distance. The theory of 

lethargy is a transitional 

state that proceeds towards 

the theory of the project. 

It softens the shift and the 

leap from practice to theory: 

it operates as an awareness 

of the potentiality of theory 

construction, in opposition 

to swift, drastic transitions 

and over-theorisation. 

Özge: Actually these are not 

the goals but the outcomes. 

They are required to discuss 

the ethical dimension of 

the work. It is crucial for 

Oda Projesi to make effects 

and consequences visible. But 

let me return to the issue 

of mistake: I am perhaps re- 

peating myself, but I still 

think that it was crucial 

for us to present points of 

convergence between the 

experience of Mustafa Tetik, 

who constructed the gecekondu 

as part of Ada in the bien- 

nial venue, and our ex- 

perience with them. These 

convergences could not be 

made visible for people who 

we consider a secondary 

audience. How could we have 

succeeded without exotising 

these characters? This 

makes the problem of presen- 

tation significant. In that 

sense, visual media such 

as video also have their own 

traps. 

Seçil: Oda Projesi explains 

its own practice as an 

intention, and this affords 

its production coherence. 

In a certain aspect, this is 

also a protective definition: 

appealing to the word inten- 

tion would narrow down our 

field of responsibility and 

enable concentration. In that 

respect, intention is 

not the end product but the


(bottom left) Oda Projesi poster, courtyard wall: "Whose neighbourhood is this?" 

101.7 efem radio project in collaboration with Bookstr and THEN, Galata, Istanbul, 

2005 / Avlu duvarında Oda Projesi posteri: "bu mahalle kimin?" bookstr and THeN is¸bir- 

lig˘iyle 101.7 Efem radyo projesi, Galata, Istanbul, 2005. 

(top) Ada, Mustafa Tetik Model, in collaboration with Mustafa Tetik and his 

colleagues, 8th Istanbul Biennial, 2003 / Ada, Mustafa Tetik Modeli, Mustafa Tetik ve 

meslektas¸larıyla is¸birli˘giyle, 8. Istanbul bienali, 2003. 

(bottom right)"Gecekondu for sale" billboard advertisement, Ada, 8th Istanbul 

Biennial, 2003. "Gecekondu for Sale: Homes in Beautiful City Gecekondus, in coherencewith 

the complexity of the city, open to modification in case of necessity. 

Two options in size: one bedroom or two bedrooms. Open a space for yourself." 

/ "satılık gecekondu" ilanı, Ada, 8. Istanbul bienali, 2003. "Güzels¸ehir Gecekonduları'nda 

kentin karmas¸ık yapısıyla uyumlu, tek göz ya da iki oda seçenekleriyle, eklemelere 

açık, yıkıp yeniden yapabileceg˘iniz, bir gecede terk edebileceg˘iniz evler. Kendinize 

yeni bir yer açın."


process. This differentiates the practices of art collectives 

from those of social workers. Intention is the nexus 

between projects. One might relate the gecekondu project 

to the notion of intention, considering that it was presen- 

ted at the biennial; yet it emerged as an outcome. It 

passed through the stages I mentioned above and presented 

itself. 

Here I would pose a question to the other members of Oda 

and Derya: what does it mean to exoticise a situation? 

Özge, do you use this term because it is about gecekondu? 

Would we then say, in relation to our work Picnic, that 

the notions of picnic and neighbourhood were exoticised 

as well? 3 And relative to The Picture of My life, were the 

contributors from the neighbourhood exoticised as well? 4 

Derya: Well, criticism actually emerges at this stage. 5 

Accordingly, the response to your questions should be: 

"yes, there is exoticisation in these works". Exoticisation 

can emerge during the process as well as at the outcome. 

It is not intended but it may arise anyway. The crucial 

question is what kind of strategies can be produced to 

avoid this. 

Özge: Exoticisation means presenting a situation, ob- 

ject, or subject without establishing a mutual relationship 

or exchange with it, contending with merely seeing it, 

perceiving it, and displaying it to others, or indeed ex- 

hibiting it to others. In that respect, what I value is 

striving for the visibility of the established relations 

and for openness about further participation. And I find 

it understandable that the gecekondu building was conceived 

as an exotic and authentic object by the audience 

since it was presented in isolation from its production 

process (although its presentation was supported by our 

Annex publication and billboard advertisements). 6 The 

processual character of relations brings with it stories. 

I don't have any problem telling these stories. I don't 

think that these stories are exotic. But in the case of 

Picnic and The Picture of My life there is a process; 

both the process and the story are visible. Perhaps Picnic 

can be considered a special case: what became a spectacle 

was the constructed space and not its content; moreover, 

we had our experience on this constructed stage. The 

photographs of the neighbourhood are exotic when they are 

considered in their isolated presentation. But we never 

exhibited them in isolation; well, actually, we didn't 

exhibit them at all. These photographs were taken and 

given to their owners. What mattered there was the mutual 

experience. 

I ˙ stanbul 

Seçil: Could we perhaps reformulate the question of author- 

ship in terms of "Istanbul and authorship"? 

Derya: Yes, this makes sense to me. In the final analysis, 

what makes us discuss issues concerning space and authorship 

are the spatial practices that produce everyday 

life in Istanbul. And we cannot start discussing Istanbul 

without touching on the issues of space and authorship. 

Seçil: The European Capital of Culture projects brought 

the emerging triangle between culture, art, and the city 

to public attention. Also, it seems that this might trig- 

ger attempts to redefine what is minor and what is major 

in the context of urban problematics of Istanbul. 

Özge: The concept of author- 

ship, just like the concept 

of gentrification, originates 

in the West. We might 

argue that authorship never 

existed here in Istanbul in 

the Western sense; the city 

was not structured predo- 

minantly according to this 

dynamic. Perhaps we should 

look for a corresponding con- 

cept of authorship in 

Turkish, our own language; 

that is, we should ask what 

the equivalent for authorship 

would be in the context 

of Istanbul. Actually, space 

is first formed and then 

appropriated. That is, from 

the beginning there is no 

authorship. We can discuss 

the author of the space of 

Oda Projesi from this per- 

spective. The space is first 

established and then come 

the signature and naming. 

Seçil: Actually, what now 

heads the agenda are the 

urban lots entrusted to pro- 

minent, giant architects – 

an urban situation formulated 

through ownership. When 

we examine the scale of 

our existence in the Galata 

neighbourhood, we can talk 

about situations and ex- 

periential modes to which we 

partly conform and from which 

we borrow things as the ren- 

ters of a certain space. 

We can consider these things 

through the misuse value. 

The author of the space seems 

to be us – but only as an 

as if. 

Derya: The culture-arts- 

city triangle is actually not 

that new. We are already 

witnessing the transformation 

it has entailed, I 

think. The cultural industry 

evolves into a position of 

comprising all of these three 

fields and of blending them 

into each other. I agree 

with Seçil; the process of 

transformation which has 

become evident in the last 

couple of years in Istan- 

bul forces us to reformulate 

our understanding about 

scales. The production of 

urban space in Istanbul has 

long been based on makeshift 

structures, and the city 

has been reproducing itself 

based on this character. 

3 

The project 

undertaken by Erik 

Göngrich (June 

10th, 2001) was 

based on his ob- 

servations about 

Istanbul as a 

picnic city. The 

courtyard of 

S¸ahkulu Street and 

its garden were 

open to all 

passers-by who 

wanted to take 

a breath. On the 

day of the court- 

yard picnic, every- 

one left their 

shoes "outside" 

and came into the 

carpet-covered 

courtyard, which 

became like the 

living room of the 

neighbourhood, a 

private space with- 

in public space. 

The courtyard was 

redefined in this 

project. Food, 

beverage, cutlery, 

pots and pans were 

provided from the 

nearest neigbourhood 

public market. 

Invitations were 

prepared and sent 

to the neighbours 

one week before 

the event. For the 

picnic, the court- 

yard was covered 

with multi-func- 

tional plastic 

carpets. According 

to Eric, "wherever 

you put these 

carpets, in public 

or private space, 

the place becomes 

immediately 

yours!" Producing 

a sense of dis- 

placement with 

shoeless people pic- 

nicking on the 

street, the picnic 

posed the follow- 

ing question: to 

what extent does 

the distinction 

between "public" 

and "private" 

spaces have a 

relevance in the 

specificity of 

Istanbul? 

4 

Ada also included 

a series of acti- 

vities in Galata 

under the title 

saturday Meetings. 

Oda Projesi 

invited various 

artists to produce 

projects that in- 

volved collabora- 

tion with the 

residents of the 

neighbourhood. The 

Picture of My 

life, a project by 

Belmin Söylemez 

and Orhan Cem 

Çetin, consisted 

of producing photo- 

graphic portraits 

of whoever wanted 

to be a part of 

the project. The 

neighbours decided 

on the details 

of their portrait, 

such as the sett- 

ing, the pose, 

etc. This process 

was video-taped. 

The resulting 

photographs were 

given to the 

participants. A 

collage of all of 

these photographs 

and the video 

footage were later 

exhibited in the 

Oda Projesi space. 

5 

Derya is grateful 

to Rachel Haidu, 

her dissertation 

advisor and dear 

friend, for her 

criticism on this 

subject. 

6 

As part of Ada, 

advertisements 

were posted on 

actual billboards 

around the city 

to promote a 

fictional gecekondu 

for sale.


What would be the impacts of large-scale projects on small- 

scale interventions? The former are driven by big capi- 

tal and hailed as so-called urban transformation. This is 

a crucial point. Will giant projects swallow up small 

interventions? 

Özge: Actually, what Oda Projesi can do at the moment is 

try to excavate such micro-situations as much as possible. 

Just as in the theory of throw-away cities, what we find 

here is the case of throwing away of a whole past – and 

micro-formations are parts of this wasted past. But on the 

other hand, these survival structures are completely re- 

liant on the economy. As long as there is a need for survi- 

val, these micro-formations will be able to keep reproducing 

themselves. But everything changes along with the 

economy – from marketing campaigns of newly constructed 

gated communities, which are displayed flagrantly in public 

space, to discourses that are shaped to find solutions 

to the congestion problem in the transport sector. The 

latter should be taken seriously since, along with improving 

access to neighbourhoods in the city, there are 

increasing proposals for beautifying these neighbourhoods. 

The upper-middle classes are tired of wasting time in 

traffic; improving transport would accelerate innercity 

safaris; the accessible parts of the city are already 

being exposed to transformation. One example is Bilgi 

University, which located its campuses in decaying suburbs 

or slum areas of the city twenty years ago; another is the 

development of city marketing strategies along with the 

increasing interest in the city of Istanbul, aimed at ge- 

nerating capital from tourism – all these phenonema pro- 

ceed with mutual interaction. Yet I am inclined to see all 

of them as urban dynamics – carnage committed in the name 

of the European Capital of Culture, for example. That 

is, the negligence and destruction of spaces that are consi- 

dered to be a problem – we can well define some of these 

things as spatial genocide. The shift is undertaken at a 

terrifying speed, along with mottos like "we have to destroy 

all gecekondu buildings until the year 2010 and we must 

renovate all buildings that are of historical importance". 7 

Such problems have been overlooked so far since the macro- 

economy was based largely on micro-economies. But what 

they are trying to do now is to destroy all of these at a 

miraculously swift speed. They see the residents of neigh- 

borhoods under urban transformation simply as a mass – 

whereas all these residents have particular needs, different 

desires, and different lifestyles. 

Empathy 

Günes¸: Oda Projesi does not aim to strike roots at the 

sites it visits. Instead, it adopts a curious and sometimes 

even skeptical approach. But the issue of empathy intrigues 

me. What we do entails being a spectator and a guest, 

listening and opening things up to discussion. If empathy 

is about placing oneself in someone else's position, 

Oda Projesi's attitude involves prompting others to ask 

themselves questions rather than empathizing with them. 

This might sound fine at first glance but I think such 

an approach has its own problems. 

Özge: I don't think that we have a negative approach to 

the concept of empathy. I even think that it has been 

one of the basic dynamics of Oda Projesi. The first three 

years in the neighbourhood, which were not marked by art 

projects, attests to this fact. One question has remained 

significant throughout: "How can I establish together- 

ness with someone who is different?" The neighbourhood had 

also this dimension. Empathy is a precondition for establishing 

this togetherness. 

I have never lived in a 

flat that consisted only of 

a single room but I saw it 

there, existing in the life 

of my neighbour. I experienced 

it spatially when I 

visited its residents; I be- 

came a guest in a flat that 

was basically a single room. 

This is quite different from 

seeing similar things on 

the TV screen. If I were not 

present in that space, I 

would not believe that such 

living conditions existed. 

That single room and our 

room established a natural 

affinity. 

Just next to a space that 

was overloaded and saturated 

with functionality, our 

definition of a space of no 

use gained a different mea- 

ning. How could these two 

opposites live next to each 

other without appealing to 

the sense of empathy? I am 

talking about a mutual empa- 

thy, for sure. Without it 

how can I relate to anyone 

other than myself? If a 

relationship emerges in the 

absence of empathy, it would 

be absolutely superficial. 

Empathy is something that re- 

lates to what has been expe- 

rienced. Another example of 

this was the Marmara Earthquake 

in 1999. If we hadn't 

experienced that trauma 

ourselves, not many people 

would have rushed to support 

those badly affected by 

the earthquake. We encounter 

news of disasters only 

through the coldness of the 

media; and since television 

tends to blend tragic things 

with entertainment, images 

of trauma seem to us not 

sufficiently credible. Expe- 

riencing a situation by 

inhabiting a place induces 

empathy. 

Representation 

Derya: Has Oda Projesi be- 

come a trademark? This 

branding does not necessarily 

involve being an art 

collective representing 

Turkey. Perhaps it represents 

collaborative art practices? 

I don't necessarily mean a 

negative implication in ask- 

ing this and I'm not saying 

that Oda Projesi is confined 

to this. I would just say that 

7 

When this text 

was undergoing 

revision in 

March–April 2011, 

the events of 

Istanbul 2010 

European Capital 

of Culture had 

already been fina- 

lized. It would 

be meaningful to 

evaluate the EcoC 

and rethink our 

discussion here 

in the light of 

this evaluation, 

but we shall 

leave this for a 

later occasion.


(top) The Picture of My life, in collaboration with Orhan Cem Çetin 

and Belmin Söylemez, 8th Istanbul Biennial, 2003 / Hayatımın 

Fotog˘rafı, Orhan cem Çetin ve belmin söylemez ile is¸birlig˘iyle, 

8. Istanbul bienali, 2003. 

(middle left) Entrance to the courtyard from the street above, 

Galata, Istanbul, 2001 / Avlunun üst giris¸i, Galata, Istanbul, 2001. 

(middle right) The courtyard, Galata, Istanbul, 2001 / Avlu, Galata, 

Istanbul, 2001. 

(bottom) locked room, Günes¸ Savas¸, from One Day in the Room series, 

Oda projesi space, Galata, Istanbul, 2000. / Kilitli Oda, Günes¸ savas¸, 

Oda'da bir gün serisinden, Oda Projesi mekânı, Galata, Istanbul, 2000.


there is a need for developing strategies that could 

respond to the contingencies of differing situations. And 

this links back to the issue of representation, of course. 

Oda Projesi acts. And when these actions enter the field 

of presentation, an exterior of these actions starts to 

form and Oda Projesi is forced to somehow come out of its 

protective shell. Dealing with this exteriority requires 

cultivating strategies. This would be like a perpetual re- 

thinking, re-reading, and re-discussing. 

Özge: The issue of context is significant here. If you 

consider things only through the perspective of representation, 

the things that you see in urban life or in 

an exhibition come to the same level. And I don't see a 

problem in that. The pleasure I derive from graffiti is 

the same as the pleasure I experience in front of a piece 

of art. I try to read them by considering their intention 

or the things they represent since they result from a 

productive process and have become exhibits; so naturally 

they represent something. I guess what is problematic with 

the art context is that art is still conceived to be some- 

thing sublime while it remains part of consumer culture. 

Advertisements, promotion efforts, and signatures become 

components of the context. From our perspective, this 

should be something disturbing and questionable, something 

that leads to the problematisation of art, its circles, 

its buyers, exhibition openings, and modes of presentation. 

Problematisation may take place by writing or talking; it 

might also be undertaken through experimenting with 

exhibition making. 

Production of Space 

Derya: Can we expand a little bit more on the subject that 

Seçil has just raised, namely, "temporal, nomadic, mundane, 

and future-less uses"? I believe these nomadic uses refer 

to the uses of space that Oda Projesi found already exis- 

ting in the neighbourhood and borrowed. It seems to me 

that the spatial author of the nomadic practices that you 

mention in the context of Galata are the neighbourhood 

people themselves. Don't you think so? And can we say that 

Oda Projesi can be defined as an author as much as it 

belongs to the neighbourhood? I mean as much as it contributes 

to the production of space in the neighbourhood. 

And we can even consider whether we are obliged to define 

the author of space. 

Seçil: Let's consider the neighbourhood as a stratified 

structure. Rigo, an apartment building built at the end of 

the 19th century on S¸ahkulu Street, has a specific character 

with its courtyard and passage, while its design 

complied with the conditions and needs of its historical 

urban context. This specific architectural fabric started 

hosting temporary uses along with incoming migrants 

in the second half of the 20th century. Building blocks in 

this region keep changing their functions according to 

the endless demands of the city, and they have been main- 

taining their existence by being adapted to new situations. 

Some examples of borrowed situations are: the cons- 

tant changes in the courtyard; the transformation of ter- 

races into rooms by covering them up with walls or plastic 

panels; the iron staircase, which was installed to provide 

a short cut to one of the flats in the upper floor and 

to have a visually dominant position from the top to moni- 

tor the courtyard; a balcony-kitchen, that is, a balcony 

transformed into a kitchen to create a larger cooking space 

for the single-room flat; clothes lines that fly over 

the courtyard from one window to the other... 8 

Özge: Probably, it is dif- 

ficult to talk about a state 

of authorship on our side 

unless we come up with an 

intervention into the space 

or add a piece of art onto 

it. Things that happen there 

are built upon lived experience; 

at that stage who is 

the author and who isn't 

becomes rather complicated. 

The stage that turns Oda 

Projesi into an author is 

the moment at which it 

claims that what is happening 

is an art project – now 

whether this happens in the 

neighbourhood or in the 

gallery doesn't matter. But 

in the meantime, let's 

also remember that we aren't 

making any such claim. We 

aren't saying that this is 

an art project. Instead we 

say that it is a proposal 

for an art project. Lived 

experience forces us to say 

so; that is, it remains a 

proposal since there are no 

strict definitions and rigid 

limitations in daily life. 

Derya: At this point, we can 

return to the issue of the 

production of space. Within 

this production, especially 

in the case of Istanbul, 

it is rather a confusing task 

to decide who is the author, 

and of what exactly. Following 

Antonio Negri, can we 

define it as the production 

of the common space of the 

metropolis, by everyone 

living in the city, defined 

as a multiplicity of complicated 

singularities that do 

not necessarily make a uni- 

fied and harmonious whole? 

What I refer to as the mis- 

use value of space emer- 

ges at this very point: the 

activation of the misuse 

value of space in Istanbul 

has a profound impact on the 

production of urban space. 

Can we argue that this mode 

of space production, which 

is based on the activation 

of the misuse value of 

space, has been the dominant 

mode of production in Istan- 

bul for a long time? I'm 

asking this with reference 

to the ongoing large-scale 

urban renovation programmes: 

how does the big capital 

invested in urban transformation 

projects alter the 

dominant mode of space 

8 

There have been 

drastic changes in 

the neighbourhood 

since this conver- 

sation took place 

in 2006. The 

facades of the 

buildings around 

the courtyard have 

meanwhile been 

redone, painted, 

and the courtyard 

redesigned. 

The Rigo apartment 

block is now 

"secured" by two 

gates fitted with 

an electronic 

security system. 

Some of the 

renovated flats are 

being used as 

apart-hotels and 


is perceived by 

popular media as 

one of the hip 

places in town.


production that is currently based largely on misuses; 

and how is it going to alter it in the future? 

Seçil: The activation of the misuse value of space sounds 

quite appealing but it contains a paradox. Using the term 

misuse means presuming that a structure generating itself 

through conservative and functional uses actually exists. 

That would mean that we are inserting what we have been 

criticising so far into the definition of space. However, 

space already does have this quality; we don't need to 

name it as a separate value. 

Derya: I would say what you are referring to here is a 

capitalist definition of the production of space. Or we 

could talk about hegemonic, normative definitions of space 

in the present. These definitions do exist, even if they 

are never ideally realized or realizable, or even if we 

don't believe in them or accept them. We cannot deny them. 

But their presence does not mean that we cannot be criti- 

cal of them and cannot search for alternative definitions. 

Just the opposite: being aware of such definitions should 

indeed urge us to be critical. I have created the concept 

of the misuse value of space to develop an alternative 

perspective. All the disciplines that are based on spatial 

design, from architecture to urban planning, operate 

through such conservative definitions. I was educated at 

architecture school very much this way. Just a short time 

after I became aware of the prevailing definitions, I 

became skeptical because life didn't resemble these defi- 

nitions at all. And having the urge to think of other 

possible ways of producing space that would not fit into 

these conservative definitions, I departed from them 

completely and became a restless thinker! And once you 

see things from a different perspective, you find out that 

potentials and alternative practices have existed all 

along. Istanbul urges us to conjure up new definitions 

since when seen from the normative perspective Istanbul 

becomes reduced to an unconceivable, peculiar thing, 

and not much more. But Istanbul says, look once more! As 

regards the use and exchange values of space as prescribed 

by normative capitalist definitions, I add the 

misuse value of space and refer to Istanbul as evidence. 

Özge: Actually, we can adapt Maria Lind's phrase of the 

actualisation of space to this case: activation and also a 

constant actualisation (Lind 2004). At the sites which 

Seçil has defined as temporary spaces, I believe that we 

are witnessing a process of that sort. Do we not keep 

saying that Oda Projesi always borrows the dynamics that 

are active in the city? So in a space undergoing constant 

actualisation, I mean in the city, Oda does in effect 

actualise its own sub-space. And it does this via its art 

projects. Can we see the city in this sense as a primary 

space, and Oda as one of the sub-spaces in it? Actually, 

we aren't talking about an act of writing here (which en- 

tails authorship) but one of translation: the translation 

of space, but a translation into a hybrid language. And 

this language is involved in a due process of formation. 

Instead of claiming that this is the correct translation, 

I refer to a sense of translation suited to constantly 

and even spontaneously changing situations; sometimes even 

translation itself requires translation. 

Seçil: The actualisation of space is the realisation of 

space, I believe – and not exactly making the space ac- 

tive or actual. Activation sounds like mobilising a static 

situation; and actualisation may be understood as adaptation. 

But the phrase is important since it refers to a 

process and implies an intention. 

Signature 

Özge: There is an additional 

problem in relation to art 

and authorship: should Oda 

Projesi be seen as a signa- 

ture despite being an art 

collective composed of three 

persons working together? 

Seçil: Yes, inevitably. 

Günes¸: A signature with 

multiple partners. A group 

of partners in which the 

partners constantly change. 

Derya: A provocative question 

then would be: does Oda 

Projesi lose the partners 

with whom it (actually) 

shares the signature at the 

very moment it starts 

putting up its signature? 

Özge: It is rather difficult 

for the audience to instantly 

understand what the 

unity called Oda Projesi is 

composed of. Nevertheless, 

I would still insist that 

there is a need to distinguish 

Oda's neigbourhood 

projects from those in which 

we act more like an author. 

There are signatures in each 

project and these can be 

bracketed under the umbrella 

of Oda Projesi. If we claim 

that we work collectively, 

then we talk about partners. 

Concentrating on the concept 

of authorship slightly dis- 

places the context. It is 

of course quite easy to say 

that this is a signature 

when art is our sole 

framework. 

Derya: Here I think the 

attempt to imagine a collective 

authorship is important. 

For this takes us one 

step further than authorship- 

as-we-know-it, that is, 

individual authorship. Can we 

not imagine a world in which 

authorship is shared or 

doesn't exist at all in its 

present sense? Eventually, 

the current definition of 

authorship is based on the 

notion of private ownership, 

one of the main pillars 

in the construction of capi- 

talism. 

Seçil: Authorship is inevitable. 

But it is in our 

hands to challenge and dis- 

sect it. Even we can argue 

that challenging it without 

denying its presence facilitates 

the production of 

new forms. I think a world 

without authorship is not 

possible, but a world in 

which it is endlessly con- 

tested is. Its full cancellation 

would evoke new types 

of authorships. What we can 

do is to accept its presence 

but also to try to transform 

it by questioning it. 

Derya: A world in which 

authorship is endlessly con- 

tested sounds to me like a 

world in which its familiar 

meanings would dissolve, new 

descriptions would emerge, 

and these alternative des- 

criptions themselves would 

also be questioned. I'm not 

talking about a world in 

which authorship is banned or 

forcefully abolished. I'm 

rather referring to a world 

in which authorship in its 

present (capitalist) sense 

becomes insignificant. 

Özge: Can we say that Oda 

Projesi creates situations in 

which authorship becomes 

insignificant? On the other 

hand, a discussion about 

authorship within the frame- 

work of Oda Projesi would 

not lead us anywhere since 

no present structures 

are based on such a notion. 

This is why I prefer to 

talk about translatorship 

rather than authorship. I 

think it is useful to read 

Oda through the concept of 

translation. But can this 

evolve into a state in which 

a sort of common language 

can be expanded, stretched, 

and given form? Since even 

linguistic translation, if 

analysed roughly, is undertaken 

with questions in mind 

like "how would the writer 

express this in the Turkish 

language?". At that point, 

interpretation is also pos- 

sible and we may then con- 

sider a state of authorship 

that is tied to the existing 

text/space. But the translator 

is an intermediary bet- 

ween two languages, which is 

reminiscent of Oda Projesi's 

situation. The issue of 

language is also crucial for 

Oda Projesi; therefore, the 

project has to be analysed 

through the perspective of


language as well. What we call third space may well be 

seen as third language. 

Translation and Mimicry 

Seçil: Özge, you have been emphasising the issue of trans- 

lation. Would you expand on that with concrete examples? 

It sounds to me somewhat optimistic to explain Oda Projesi 

through the notion of translator-ship; it sounds even a 

little bit too positive. 

Özge: Authorship is something rigid; it is about signing a 

completed work. Oda Projesi is about a series of intentions 

and proposals, just like the difference between two 

different translations of the same text. A translator may 

come up with a completely different translation in compari- 

son with others because what he or she produces is a pro- 

posal of the original text in a second language. When 

I speak of translation, I also refer to the play with the 

inner dynamics of translation – a translation made with 

the intention of generating a common language. And I don't 

give a single meaning to the word. What we were doing in 

our long-term projects, realised outside the Galata neigh- 

bourhood, was the translation of the everyday life of 

these new neighbourhoods. We did exactly what people were 

doing in their everyday lives over there and we didn't 

add any object to these spaces. What we did was the trans- 

lation of space; and there was also the translation of 

everyday life into what was being experienced within the 

art space. Seçil, perhaps you could further explain what 

you have in mind in relation to the link between 

translation and optimism. 

Seçil: Claiming that Oda Projesi has the position of a 

translator means saying that Oda Projesi has done a good 

job by transforming an intention from a process into an 

outcome. I would suggest the concept of mimicry instead 

of translation. I think there is more authorship in trans- 

lation, whereas in mimicry there is some sort of repetition 

and de-authorization. The translator proposes her/his 

own translation of a text, s/he rewrites the original 

text in her/his own language. If you think of mimicry in 

the light of the concept of the original, you can think 

of it as an interpretation of the original. The optimism I 

am talking about lies in an assumption that there can be 

no bad translation. When you, as a translator, say "I 

see it in this way, therefore I give voice to it in this 

way," this provides you with a kind of defense. 

Derya: The issue of mimicry seems crucial to me. Is there 

a potential creativity in mimicry? At what point do trans- 

lation and mimicry converge? What I have in mind here 

is that translation is more a matter of mediating than a 

question of authorship. And interpretation is present in 

both mimicry and translation, I would say. 

Özge: I definitely wouldn't regard translation as an end 

result, which explains my emphasis on the word translation; 

everyone produces a specific version of the text, and this 

refers to a state of enunciation. Indeed, translation 

is a type of mimicry, the mimicry of the original text. At 

this point, differentiation between good and bad disappears; 

this is how I define translation that operates outside 

the context of art; even the translator's mood or frame of 

mind has an impact on how the enunciation is built up. 

Just like Derya, I share the view that the translator is 

actually a mediator, and therefore I consider the experience 

of Oda Projesi through the context of translation. 

Interpretation is definitely present within translation 

(a notion some people would certainly object to). The 

state of translation is a 

stance that resists literal 

perceptions and rigid de- 

finitions. 

Derya: We are talking about 

a common production but at 

the end the signature appears 

to belong to the artist(s) 

and not to the people that 

have had a part in the pro- 

ject. This is because the 

artist is positioned and acts 

within the art world as long 

as he or she holds onto 

the artist's identity. But 

this is not doom and gloom. 

One can raise questions 

about authorship and problematize 

the art world, and 

such questioning can lead to 

institutional critique. 9 

Özge: Instead of collabo- 

ration with groups, can we 

perhaps define what is 

happening as the merging of 

different groups on a plat- 

form facilitated by Oda Pro- 

jesi? In that sense, does 

Oda Projesi let itself dis- 

appear? It's like when the 

radio project was halted 

for a day when there was 

a funeral in the neighbour- 

hood – that is, allowing 

projects to conform to the 

flow of everyday life. 10 A 

normal radio station cannot 

afford a similar interruption 

for it is financially 

dependent on broadcasting 

advertisements. But our 

radio project could be sus- 

pended or make swift changes 

to its programme. Coming 

back to the issue of signature, 

I think when there is 

no audience the signature 

also fades away automatically. 

And in that sort of 

relational, live, collective 

projects, we call whoever 

isn't participating the 

audience. 

Seçil: I don't think that 

signature ceases in this 

instance either; it cannot 

cease. For example, there 

was no audience in Özge's 

bring something From Home 

and Günes¸'s locked Room 

(both presented within A 

Day in Oda) but there were 

still signatures. Why? 

Because we decided to add 

them to our résumé and 

count them as works of Oda 

Projesi. Another option 

would be to say that we did 

9 

Here I refer 

to what is called 

"institutional 

critique" in art 

history, which in- 

cludes self-reflex- 

ive art practices 

that treat the art 

world and its con- 

ventions in a 

critical fashion. 

The works of Hans 

Haacke are good 

examples of this. 

10 

The radio project 

101.7 eFeM is the 

last work of Oda 

Projesi before 

moving out of the 


space of Oda Pro- 

jesi was trans- 

formed into a 

radio studio in 

collaboration with 

Matthieu Pratt 

from February 19th 

to March 16th, 

2005. The radio 

programmes focused 

on the gentrification 

process of 

the neighbourhood. 

The radio was 

accessible only to 


residents and 

those who came to 

Oda Projesi space 

especially 

to listen to the 

radio station.


(top left) bring an object from your home, Özge Açıkkol, from One day 

in the room series, Galata, Istanbul, 2000 / Evinden bir es¸ya getir, 

Özge Açıkkol, Oda'da bir gün serisinden, Galata, Istanbul, 2000. 

(top right) so far so good/so weit so gut, Nadin Reschke, Oda Projesi 

space, Galata, Istanbul, 2004 / s¸imdilik fena deg˘il, Nadin Reschke, 

Oda Projesi mekânı, Galata, Istanbul, 2004. 

(below left) About a useless space, Özge Açıkkol, Oda Projesi space 

opens, Galata, Istanbul, 2000 / Yararsız bir uzama dair, Özge Açıkkol, 

Oda Projesi mekânı açılıyor, Galata, Istanbul, 2000. 

(below right) A random day in the room, Galata, Istanbul, 2000 / 

Oda'da rastgele bir gün, Galata, Istanbul, 2000.


these works but we don't mention them and don't list them 

in our résumé. 

Derya: Another question would concern the issue of child 

labour in relation to your work One Day in Oda (this 

issue has also been raised by Rachel Haidu). Could someone 

detect therein an example of exploitation – in the case 

of Nurs¸en's labour, I mean? This question could also be 

raised in relation to Claire Bishop's comparison between 

Hirshhorn and Oda Projesi. In her article in October, 

Bishop discusses the same thing with reference to Santiago 

Sierra. It sounds as if for Bishop Sierra and Hirschhorn 

are more honest since they paid those who contributed 

to their projects. And in her analysis, projects based on 

collaboration, including Oda Projesi, only pretend to 

integrate participants into the process. A sound discussion 

about Oda Projesi first requires considering everyday 

life in Istanbul, the way in which people in Galata relate 

to each other, and so on. As a matter of fact, Bishop 

talks about "the aesthetic regime of art ... as we under- 

stand it in the West" (Bishop 2006, p. 183). Thus, she 

adopts what she calls a Western-centric perspective, and 

this perspective prevents her from seeing some of the 

local specificities in Oda Projesi's work. What would you 

say about this? 

Günes¸: What I can say about the issue of child labour is 

this: I guess what differentiates the case is the bracketing 

of what will normally be considered daily experience. 

When I share the video recording of the half day I spent 

with Nurs¸en, something strange happens. And it becomes 

even more complicated because she is a child. It was such 

a long time ago; even I am struggling to reflect upon the 

case now. At that time, what mattered to me was to share 

things with her and to create a temporal space for 

her. But now, even I find it odd to have shared the video 

recordings with others and to have signed them as Günes¸ 

Savas¸. But I can also add that my main intention at the 

time was definitely not to add these works to my résumé. 

I guess I did it under the influence of my previous art 

education. My contact and collaborations with children 

started at that period and the time I shared with them had 

a deep impact on me. I still work with children, albeit 

in a different format. How to share these works with 

others still puzzles me. Although there is no problem of 

signature in these works, the question still exists. 11 

Regarding the signature of Oda Projesi, I think that it 

is rather a consequence of the process of re-collecting 

and sharing accumulated experiences. It can be regarded as 

some sort of editorial work perhaps. What matters is that 

when we go and stay somewhere we don't have the same 

intentions as the residents. As new neighbours, our inten- 

tions differ from theirs. We start a process and we pro- 

ceed step by step with the directions given by the people 

with whom we share the process. And then we try to share 

those experiences with others in other environments. 

Özge: Why do we place so much emphasis on the issue of ré- 

sumé? Do we not consider it as a memo book, an account 

of what we have done so far? Do we not see it as something 

different than a simple CV? It is a summary of a whole, 

in which we make visible everything of Oda Projesi, a wide 

collection of things ranging from the smallest gestures 

(one-day events) to large-scale productions such as Annex 

at the Venice Biennial. 12 Résumé is just an instrument for 

sharing information and otherwise it has no representational 

role. In the meantime, perhaps we can look closer 

at the concept of gesture. It is an important concept for 

Oda Projesi, I believe, since our projects are comprised 

of gestures: a short visit to the neighbourhood, going 

on trips and making observations within the city, reading 

texts... It's all about these 

minor gestures, and they 

comprise the whole project. 

Giorgio Agamben defines 

gesture as something belonging 

"to the realm of ethics 

and politics and not simply 

to that of aesthetics." 

He adds that "what characterizes 

gesture is that in 

it nothing is being produced 

or acted, but rather something 

is being endured and 

supported. The gesture in 

other words, opens the sphere 

of ethos as the more proper 

sphere of that which is 

human" (Agamben 2000, p. 57). 

I would like to discuss 

further the notion of ges- 

ture, as I think it also 

resolves the issue of sig- 

nature. 

Derya: This is an interesting 

point. But does signature 

really disappear? Does it 

not keep on existing after 

the work is finalised and 

begins to be conceived and 

acclaimed as an artwork? 

It is true that signature 

disappears during the pro- 

cess of making live art 

works like Oda Projesi's; 

but when the work is titled 

and put into your résumé, 

and when you become the sub- 

ject of critics like Bishop 

and others, does its ghost 

not reappear? 

Özge: Yes, Oda Projesi is a 

name. And as long as it re- 

mains a name we cannot avoid 

talking about signature. 

This is a result of acting 

within the art field. But 

playing with signature, and 

trying to displace it, is 

nevertheless possible and 

crucial. As long as the site 

of signature shifts, one 

might make it flexible, I 

believe. For instance, Oda 

Projesi sometimes publishes 

newspapers, sometimes it 

acts as a radio station, 

sometimes it appears on the 

banner of an art exhibition. 

Günes¸: It doesn't mean much 

to probe deeper into the 

meanings of the word signature. 

At the end, we operate 

as three people who come 

together as Oda Projesi; we 

collaborate with others and 

we share the results of 

such collaboration under the 

name Oda Projesi. Or we 

11 

I have been work- 

ing in a kinder- 

garden for the last 

seven years. I work 

with children be- 

tween the ages of two 

and four, and we 

make compositions 

with paint, tex- 

tiles, thrown-away 

objects, and various 

other types of 

material in my own 

small studio – 

separate from other 

courses and class- 

rooms. The fact that 

the sharing of the 

photographs, and 

video and audio 

recordings of these 

practices is under 

my control 

raises questions in 

my mind. 

12 

Annex was produced 

for the exhibition 

The structures of 

survival, curated by 

Carlos Basualdo 

within the framework 

of the 50th Venice 

Biennial in 2003. It 

dealt with the in- 

formal extensions 

attached to prefabri- 

cated houses 

designed for those 

who survived the 

earthquake in the 

Marmara region in 

1999. These exten- 

sions were archi- 

tectural units that 

were made by the 

families inhabiting 

these houses. They 

built these annexes 

to expand their 

rather limited 

living space. Annex 

included photo- 

graphic documen- 

tation of some 

examples of these 

extensions and it 

was distributed in 

the form of post- 

cards free of charge 

to Biennial visi- 

tors. One of the 

prefabricated houses 

that was no longer 

used was transported 

from the earthquake 

region to Venice and 

the first issue of 

the newspaper Annex 

was also published 

as part of 

this biennial work.


receive invitations to other occasions as Oda Projesi. The 

names of the participants are always shared, but for the 

next round we are invited again as three people. Therefore 

it's not possible to cancel out signature. But constantly 

protecting one's own attitude and signature would be quite 

problematic for a formation like ours. Oda Projesi does 

not have a clear-cut style or attitude. As Özge has just 

tried to explain, we are trying to deal with the burden 

of signature by sharing it in various sites and in many 

projects, inscribing it commonly into projects undertaken 

with other people. 

Özge: I am not calling for a full cancellation; what I am 

trying to do is to underline the relation of signature to 

audience. What I meant was this: if there is no audience 

at the moment of realisation, then there is no need for 

signature. But this moment is crucial. If someone observed 

us during the project or entered it from the outside as 

a participant, then the project would take another shape. 

Video-recordings are a different matter since the decision 

whether to use them or not is up to you; they can also be 

seen as dead archival material. It is not theatre or 

staging, this is what I mean: we all become an audience or 

we don't become an audience at all... Our one-day projects 

required face-to-face relations and intimacy; they were 

close to private life, even mimicking it – something like 

bringing an object from your home or celebrating someone's 

birthday... What I wanted to say was that the absence 

of audience in the moment of experiencing an intensive re- 

lationship helps to establish a healthier relationship. 

Here the issue of sharing resurfaces. The field of art is 

actually a space in which we can share these things. It 

is a field that we value as democratic, that we want 

to become democratic, or that, we think, has to be demo- 

cratic. 

Derya: Art has been something that is seen, watched, 

looked at, that appeals to sight, or is something forever 

visual. The question about why it has been so and similar 

questions that follow from such a view are also significant. 

Even conceptual art cannot become a lived thing, even 

though it appeals to the senses other than seeing. Here, 

we can link our discussion to the art historical debates 

about the relationship between art and life, and to dis- 

cussions about art movements such as Dadaism and Fluxus. 

Özge: Do you consider the practices of Oda Projesi con- 

ceptual art? It is partly true, of course, when we say 

that Oda is a proposal for a project. This question 

actually bugs me as well. On the other hand, categorisations 

such as social art and so on are also very restric- 

tive 13 . Reflections on Oda Projesi should not be devoid 

of considering the localities that it is tied to. Perhaps 

it is a particular category in itself. Perhaps we should 

read different types of art formations from that angle. 

For example, in which category would you locate Hafriyat 

or HaZa VuZu art collectives? In the case of Oda Projesi, 

we can perhaps open up the discussion about the issue 

of authorship through the notions of artwork and audience. 

And we can also discuss the problems of studying groups 

like Oda Projesi from the outside. I guess that just 

because of these problems we strive for establishing 

face-to-face contacts. For instance, as we did in Tensta, 

tactics like the artist's presence next to his or her 

work, his or her direct contact with each visitor, which 

attempt to facilitate mental participation, become 

prominent. 14 Or the preference of the speaker's mode over 

those of the author or the writer... 

Derya: Does this lead us 

to suggest that we speak to 

rather than listen to the 

other? There is also a re- 

ference to that in Necmi 

Erdog˘an's states of Poverty. 

Presentation 

Özge: Let's also consider 

Gayatri Spivak's can the sub- 

altern speak? Spivak cri- 

ticises Gilles Deleuze for 

charging the concept of 

representation with a single 

meaning. She is especially 

critical of the following 

assertions made by Gilles 

Deleuze: "A theory is exactly 

like a book of tools. It has 

nothing to do with the 

signifier." Or "representation 

no longer exists; there 

is only action" (Deleuze 

1977, p. 205). In response, 

Spivak makes a distinction: 

"two senses of representa- 

tion are being run together: 

representation as 'speaking 

for,' as in politics, and 

representation as 'represen- 

tation' as in art or philo- 

sophy. Since theory is also 

only 'action,' the theore- 

tician does not represent 

(speak for) the oppressed 

group. Indeed, the subject is 

not seen as a representative 

conciousness (one represent- 

ing reality adequately)." 

This distinction touches up- 

on the issues we are trying 

to discuss here. On which 

side of this distinction does 

Oda Projesi stand? We don't 

speak for others but represent; 

could we put it like 

that? 

Günes¸: This is an important 

question. Re-presenting 

or proposing something new? 

Let's consider an example, 

the radio project... Radio 

is basically a means of 

communication. And what Oda 

Projesi did in the context 

of radio was to design sound 

collages based on distorted 

sounds and interferences. 

So was Oda Projesi proposing 

a new radio methodology or 

only reflecting upon a multi- 

plicity of possibilities 

through a change of methods? 

Özge: There is actually no new 

proposal in representation. 

13 

(http://www. 

republicart.net/ 

disc/aap/kravagna 

01_en.htm). 

Kravagna, 1998 

14 

Proje4l took place 

in Tensta Konst- 

hall, Stockholm, 

between August 17th 

– October 24th, 

2004. It was the 

first exhibition of 

the institution 

after it was re- 

opened under the 

curatorship of Ylva 

Ogland, Rodrigo 

Mallea Lira, and 

Jelena Rundqvist. 

Oda Projesi was 

unfamiliar with the 

institution and its 

neighbourhood. In 

order to have a con- 

tact with the dyn- 

amics of the context, 

the members of Oda 

Projesi set out to 

study Tensta and to 

employ the art space 

as a means to gene- 

rate some energy out 

of the existing 

social networks. 

Tensta is a suburban 

district which is 

populated mostly by 

large families from 

migrant backgrounds 

living in five-floor 

apartment blocks. 

The title of the 

project refers to 

the Proje 4L con- 

temporary art museum 

in Istanbul. The 

museum was located 

in Gültepe, close to 

working-class neigh- 

bourhoods. Oda Pro- 

jesi remained in 

Tensta for the dura- 

tion of the entire 

project. A series of 

working islands were 

created in the art 

space and each is- 

land, marked with 

yellow on the ground, 

referred to specific 

spaces in Tensta: 

library, shopping 

mall, women's 

center, school, gym, 

and so on. One of 

these islands, whose 

shapes were deter- 

mined according to 

the geometric pro- 

jection of their 

reference spaces, 

was atttributed to 

the flat of Oda 

Projesi in Galata, 

and this space 

hosted the documen- 

tation of Oda Pro- 

jesi's earlier 

works, including 

catalogues and other 

materials.


(top) swing, seçil Yersel, 2000, Oda Projesi space, Galata, 

Istanbul / Salıncak, Seçil Yersel, Oda Projesi mekânı, Galata, 

Istanbul, 2000. 

(below left) Neighbourhood children's drawings hung on clotheslines 

in the courtyard, Galata, 1999 / Mahalle çocuklarının yaptıg˘ı 

çizimler avluya çamas¸ır iplerine asılıyor, Galata, 1999. 

(below right) Plan of Oda Projesi space in Galata, 2000-2005 / 

Oda Projesi'nin Galata'daki mekânının planı, 2000-2005.


I think of re-presentation as taking an existing thing 

and presenting it again in its re-formed version (rather 

than deforming it); this re-formed version takes shape 

according to changing spaces and situations. The radio 

example follows the same procedure. Oda changes methodologies, 

and thereby reflects upon a multiplicity of 

possibilities. 

Seçil: The quest and intention for cancelling out representation 

and for enacting its finalisation are significant. 

Otherwise we might easily be caught up within the 

vortex of contemporary discourses while trying to repeat 

the present we are inhabiting and to elaborate a critique 

or re-reading from the inside. This is pleasurable but at 

the same time dangerous! There is a need to escape from 

presentation, I believe. And the concept of re-presentation 

does not sound very different to me. Oda Projesi has 

been reflecting upon models of relationships all along. 

Is production devoid of any (re-)presentation possible? 

It's actually a somewhat self-destructive attitude; could 

we start from scratch by nullifying ourselves? 

Özge: This depends on what you mean by without presentation. 

I'm using the word in its basic meaning. If Oda Projesi 

is about making things visible, then it would mean that it 

presents something. For me the real issue is how to 

position ourselves against the spectacle that unfolds under 

the influence of marketing. Where does our spectacle reside 

in relation to this spectacle. or does it not reside any- 

where at all in relation to the spectacle? But representation 

is not something bad; as long as we look at our 

surroundings, as long as we are interested in the city, we 

are going to be bombarded by representations. Perhaps we 

can escape from the stableness or the single-signification 

of representation by regarding representations simply as 

signs. Or can there be a counterstance in relation to what 

Roland Barthes describes: "Now, for a very long time – 

probably for the entire classical capitalist period, i.e. 

from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century, in France – 

the uncontested owners of the language, and they alone, 

were authors; if we except preachers and jurists (enclosed 

moreover in functional languages), no one else spoke, and 

this 'monopoly' of the language produced, paradoxically, a 

rigid order, an orderless of producers than of production: 

it was not the literary profession which was structured 

(it has developed greatly in three hundred years, from 

the domestic poet to businessman-writer)" (Barthes 1982, 

p. 185). 

The Misuse Value of Space 

Derya: If we go back to the concept of the misuse value 

of space that I have proposed, can we say that Oda Projesi 

misuses space? Oda Projesi bends and transforms space 

by trying to find usages that are beyond the prescribed 

meanings of space; it makes visible and realises the poten- 

tials of spaces by misusing them – on the condition that 

we understand misuse not in a negative sense. The question 

of spatial authorship enters the discussion here. Consequently, 

the status of specialists who are assumed to 

possess the authority on the production of space is opened 

up for interrogation. What I'm actually trying to do is 

to talk about space by looking at the field of art. What 

are the convergences between art and authorship, between 

space and authorship, in the context of Oda Projesi? 

Özge: Perhaps we can go back to the beginning of Oda 

Projesi's activities. Perhaps we should first look at the 

ways in which designed space fails to operate as a con- 

sequence of the dynamics of everyday life and is forced to 

change. Perhaps we should 

also take the temporal dimen- 

sion into consideration as 

we speak about process; and 

here we might look at the 

concept of pause, as elabora- 

ted by the curators of the 

Gwangju Biennial, who wanted 

to relate it to the ways in 

which relational projects 

tend to arrest time. 14 It is 

about regarding the present 

instead of glorifying the past 

(official history) or the 

future (ideals). It is about 

stopping and reflecting for 

a while (this is also a 

mental process) in the midst 

of experienced time and space 

in order to produce a punc- 

ture. And doing it with other 

people and formations of 

course, since the other route 

is being experienced natural- 

ly among ourselves. Actually 

at this point we can talk 

about Oda Projesi's function 

as the preservation of 

memory: paradoxically, we are 

trying to document what seems 

to be fragile, short-lived, 

or awaiting imminent destruc- 

tion. The temporal dimen- 

sion is important in that re- 

spect – not in the sense 

of lost time but rather of 

captured time. 

Derya: I also think that the 

temporal dimension is cru- 

cial. Placing time, that is 

history, next to space... But 

for a moment I want to go 

back to Bishop now. How does 

Oda Projesi consider the 

issue of political engagement? 

Is Oda Projesi an acti- 

vist project, as Bishop 

portrays it? Can we see the 

works of Oda Projesi as ges- 

tures of resistance? And if 

we can talk about resistance, 

what kind of resistance is 

this and what does it resist? 

Is it oppositional, and 

if so, what is it opposing? 

Özge: Actually, the first 

act of resistance was to 

create a space for ourselves 

in Istanbul, the city we 

live in and that we are deeply 

concerned with. But it was 

not a conscious resistance. 

As time went by, and as we 

started operating within the 

sphere of art, we realized 

that we don't fit into the 

model of the artist locked 

up in her/his studio and who 

doesn't produce artworks 

14 

Moving Room was 

exhibited within the 

framework of the 

4th Gwangju Biennial 

from March 29th to 

July 29th 2002. 

It was the first occa- 

sion on which Oda 

Projesi partici- 

pated in an art event 

outside the Galata 


biennial, curated by 

Charles Esche and Hou 

Hanru, was devised 

to bring together 

collectives from all 

around the world and 

to display their 

working methods. The 

sub-exhibition that 

hosted Oda Projesi 

re-built the working 

spaces of collectives 

on a one-to- 

one scale. The three 

rooms of Oda Projesi 

were re-activated 

with documents and 

workshops in collabo- 

ration with students 

and teachers of pri- 

mary schools nearby.


unless s/he is invited to diplay works at an exhibition. 

We realized it is important for us to be in that particular 

space in Galata. It was important for us to be able 

to realize a project we had in mind right there whenever 

we wanted. Oda Project transformed later on, of course. 

At this point, it is also important to take the initiative. 

The second resistance, I believe, involves producing 

art beyond all kinds of top-down definitions 

or requests. We can resist the macro by researching micro- 

situations and relationships, and by looking at their 

dynamics. 

Seçil: I rather think that Oda Projesi purposefully enacts 

resistance. It's rather a matter of reading a particular 

project in such a way retrospectively. We create gestures 

of resistance. But I cannot claim something like we re- 

sisted this first, and later we resisted that. Resistance 

is a process. It contains tensions and conflicts; in some 

areas you win, in others you lose. During resistance, 

the sides feel the presence of their rivals, and resistance 

emerges accordingly. Resistance is something more than 

opposition; it creates new spaces. And there is a continuity 

in resisting. 

Günes¸: For me the project involved curiosity rather than 

resistance at the beginning. This involved creating a 

space for ourselves in a declining neighborhood in central 

Istanbul and transforming it over time into a space of 

resistance. I also think that we interpreted this as resis- 

tance retrospectively. Well, opening an art space and 

funding this with pocket money in the midst of a huge art 

system is itself a kind of resistance. However, I think we 

weren't necessarily doing all this as a challenge to that 

system; or at least I didn't think of it that way as a 

member of the collective at the time. 

Aesthetics-Ethics 

Derya: Let me raise another question, again by referring 

to Bishop's argumentation: how does Oda Projesi see 

the relationship between aesthetics and ethics? How does 

it approach aesthetics? Does it sacrifice aesthetics in 

favour of ethics, as Bishop puts it? What are the roles 

of aesthetics and ethics in the works of Oda Projesi, and 

how and where do they arise? 

Özge: Well, Bourriaud's Relational Aesthetics was also 

criticised. Perhaps here we should talk a little bit 

about the risks of aestheticisation. For instance, while 

Istanbul is not an aesthetic city in the most well-known 

meaning of the term as that which is beautiful, it is being 

aestheticised. The fact that there is always an act of 

aestheticisation behind the notion of aesthetics somewhat 

annoys me. I think Oda Projesi creates a series of scenes 

– aesthetic or not. A possible scene of what could be done 

together, micro set-ups, etc. When I say scene, I don't 

only mean this in a visual sense of the word, of course. 

I am talking about an approach that realizes projects with- 

out thinking via aesthetics. 

Ethics work similarly. We realize a project without thinking 

ahead about its artistic success or failure. We simply 

rely on our personal ethics, as we move along proportionally 

with everyday life. If you establish a rule for this is 

ethical and that is not, you unavoidably end up otherising 

whom you are faced with. But if you see your counterpart 

as someone with whom you can share an experience, at that 

point the relationship between you and the other develops 

its own specific ethics. It is also useful to think the 

other way around: we have also produced products and we 

cannot ignore their relation- 

ship with aesthetics. None- 

theless, the aesthetic is 

not necessarily bad. But I 

say we cannot talk about an 

aesthetic structure in the 

works of Oda Projesi, because 

this isn't our aim. In other 

words, I think aesthetics 

is something that you aim at, 

whereas we have no such aims 

in our way of production: 

we produce by taking risks; 

and we usually don't make 

decisions in advance about 

how a project will end. 

Community 

Derya: I would like to come 

back to one of my initial 

questions: how does Oda Pro- 

jesi approach the neighbourhood 

community? Do you aim 

to achieve community em- 

powerment? This also raises 

another question, namely, 

about the place of subjecti- 

vity in Oda Projesi's works. 

How relevant is the distinction 

between the self and 

the other (which Bishop also 

talks about) in the neighbourhood? 

Özge: In fact, the problem 

is right there. Christian 

Kravagna (1998) also talks 

about an approach that he 

calls "working with others". 

I think this is a problematic 

approach. For Oda Pro- 

jesi, the question of "who 

are our neighbors?" was 

always important. Community, 

in this sense, corresponds 

to those sharing a common 

space. If we think of a com- 

mon space, then Oda Projesi 

is one of many community 

members who share this space; 

that is, it is integral 

to that community. In this 

sense, we cannot talk about 

a target group; never- 

theless, many times we are 

labeled as "Oda projesi works 

with such and such kinds of 

groups". At this point, I 

think we should rethink Oda 

Projesi's definition of com- 

munity via space. Those who 

share a common space make 

a community; life takes shape 

in relation to space and 

space in turn takes shape 

in relation to life. Sharing 

as neighbors is important, 

because only then can we talk 

about exchange. Experiences


vary, of course, but once you open yourself up to the 

other's experience, that otherness can undergo change. 

For instance in the neighbourhood, we were perhaps the 

others ourselves, a minority group with a way of life 

different from that of the majority of people living there 

at the time. Isn't it more healthy if those who have 

this other role keep changing? Empowerment is too large a 

claim; it actually suggests that we have the power. Why 

don't we take this as something done together, collaboratively? 

At that point we can talk about empowering space 

and everyday life rather than persons. Empowerment is 

not something that can be done only by one side in a re- 

lationship. Oda Projesi, which takes nourishment from urban 

space, and whose survival is based on the city's dynamics, 

cannot have power by itself. 

Open-endedness 

Derya: What is the role of open-endedness in Oda Projesi's 

works? In her article in October, Claire Bishop (2004) 

discusses the question of open-endedness, and argues that 

it is a problematic artistic strategy. She thinks that art 

can convey political messages by performing disruptive 

gestures that make spectators question themselves rather 

than by being open-ended. 

Özge: Open-endedness is not something that those sharing 

an environment (including us) are aware of in practice. 

Rather, this is specified during the process; in other 

words, we cannot design a project as open-ended from the 

beginning. Only if the will of the participants has 

continuity or if a state of action-reaction is created may 

the project become open-ended. This is like not cutting 

the process with an abrupt end; and if there is a halt, 

it is a matter of resuming the process with new things 

to say... the fact that objects appearing as products 

actually function as vehicles defines open-endedness. 

References 

Agamben, Giorgio (2000). Means Without 

end: Notes on Politics. University of 

Minnesota Press, Mineapolis. 

Babias, Marius. "On the Strategic Use 

of Politics in the Context of Art". 

In: IKSV (2005). Art, city and Politics 

in an expanding World, Writings from 

the 9th International Istanbul bien- 

nial, Istanbul. 

Barthes, Roland. "Authors and Writers 

1960". In: Susan Sontag (ed.) (1982). 

A barthes Reader. Hill & Wang, New 

York. 

Bishop, Claire. (2006). "The Social 

Turn: Collaboration and its discontents". 

In: Artforum Vol. 44, 2/2006, 

pp. 178–183. 

Bishop, Claire. "Antagonism and 

Relational Aesthetics". In: October, 

Vol. 110, 3/2004, pp. 51–79. 

Bourriaud, Nicolas (2002). Relational 

Aesthetics. Trans. S. Pleasance & 

F. Woods. Les Presses du Réel, Dijon. 

Deleuze, Gilles. "Intellectuals & 

Power (A conversation between Michel 

Foucault and Gilles Deleuze)." 

In: Donald F. Bouchard (ed.) (1977). 

language, counter-Memory, Practice: 

selected essays and Interviews by 

Michel Foucault. Cornell University 

Press, New York. 

Erdog˘an, Necmi (ed.) (2002). Yoksulluk 

Halleri: Türkiye'de Kent Yoksullug˘unun 

Toplumsal Görünümleri [States of 

Poverty: Social Representations of 

Urban Poverty in Turkey] Demokrasi 

Kitaplıg˘ı. 

Holloway, John (2002). change the 

World without Taking Power. The 

Meaning of Revolution Today. Pluto 

Press, London. 

Kravagna, Christian (1998): 

http://www.republicart.net/disc/aap/ 

kravagna01_en.htm. 

Lind, Maria. "Actualisation of Space: 

The Case of Oda Projesi". In: Claire 

Doherty (ed.) (2004). From studio 

to situation. Black Dog Publishing, 

London, pp. 109–121. See also www. 

republicart.net/disc/app/lind01_en. 

htm. 

Negri, Antonio (2002). "The Multitude 

and the Metropolis". In: Posse 

[See Trans. Arianna Bove, http://www. 

generation-online.org/t/metropolis. 

htm]. 

Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. 

"Can the Subaltern Speak?". In: Patrick 

Williams and Laura Chrisman (eds.) 

(1994), colonial Discourse and Post- 

colonial Theory: A Reader. New Colum- 

bia University Press, New York. 

Ouroussoff, Nicolai. New York Times, 

(12 March 2006): http://www.nytimes. 

com/2006/03/12/arts/design/12ouro. 

html?_r=1.


sanatin ahlâksiZ tekli . fi . . . . : 

is¸ 

b i rli g˘i . . bi . r kolekti . f 

düs¸ünme denemesi . 

Derya Özkan in conversation with Oda Projesi 

Derya: Claire Bishop'un Artforum dergisinin S¸ubat 2006 

sayısında yayınlanan makalesini 1 okurken kafama s¸unlar 

takıldı: 

1. Bishop, Oda Projesi'nin müelliflig˘i (authorship) mini- 

mum düzeye indirerek kavramsal bir jest yaptıg˘ını, ve 

bunun nihaî olarak müelliflig˘i reddetmek üzerine kurulu 

bir etik gelis¸tirmeye yaradıg˘ını iddia ediyor. 2 

2. Estetik deg˘erin Oda Projesi için muteber bir mesele 

olmadıg˘ını, Oda Projesi'nin estetig˘i tartıs¸maya açılmaması 

gereken tehlikeli bir kelime olarak gördüg˘ünü söylüyor. 3 

3. Oda Projesi'nin kendi is¸lerini açıkça muhalif veya 

aktivist olarak kavradıg˘ını düs¸ünüyor. 4 

4. Grant Kester'in conversation Pieces bas¸lıklı kitabına 

referansla s¸unları söylüyor: "(...) sosyal angajmana sahip 

sanat is¸lerini destekleyenlere göre, katılımcı pratiklerin 

yaratıcı enerjisi, kapitalizmin baskıcı araçsallıg˘ı 

tarafından uyus¸turulmus¸ ve bölünmüs¸ olan toplumu yeniden 

insanîles¸tiriyor, ya da en azından onu yabancılas¸maktan 

alıkoyuyor. Bu politik vazifenin aciliyeti, is¸birlig˘ine 

dayalı pratiklerin otomatik olarak es¸it derecede önemli 

sanatsal direnis¸ jestleri olarak algılanması gibi bir 

duruma yol açtı: adeta is¸birlig˘ine dayalı sanat bas¸arısız, 

kararsız veya sıkıcı olamazmıs¸ gibi, çünkü toplumsal bag˘ı 

güçlendirme vazifesi açısından bakıldıg˘ında bu tür sana- 

tın her türlüsü es¸ derecede elzem görünüyor." 5 

5. Bishop'a göre is¸birlig˘ine dayalı sanatta yaratıcılık, 

kolektif eylem ve paylas¸ılan fikirlerden ibaret bir düzeye 

indirgeniyor. 6 

6. Hirschhorn'un is¸birlig˘i yaptıg˘ı insanlarla kurdug˘u 

istismarı kasten vurgulayan ilis¸kiden farklı olarak Oda 

Projesi'nin is¸birlig˘i yaptıg˘ı insanları gönüllü ve uyum- 

lu katılımcı kılmaya eg˘ilimi olan bir tür "cömertlik" 

sergiledig˘ini söylüyor. 7 

7. Son olarak, "ahâli" (community) kavramını nasıl anladıg˘ımız 

meselesi var. Bishop buna Artforum yazısında pek 

deg˘inmiyor, ama daha önce October dergisinde yayınlanan 

bas¸ka bir yazısında bunu uzun uzun tartıs¸ıyor. 8 Orada 

Oda Projesi'nden dog˘rudan bahsetmiyor, fakat is¸birlig˘ine 

dayalı sanatı genel olarak eles¸tiriyor. Bu tür sanatın, 

ahâliyi birles¸ik (unified), onu olus¸turan kis¸ilerin birbi- 

riyle özdes¸les¸mesine (identification) dayalı, çatıs¸ma 

ve çelis¸ki (conflict, contradiction) deg˘il uyum (harmony) 

üzerine kurulu oldug˘unu düs¸ündüg˘ünü söylüyor. Halbuki 

Bishop'a göre ahâli ancak çatıs¸maların sürdürüldüg˘ü bir 

s¸ey olarak anlas¸ıldıg˘ında demokratik ve politik hale 

gelebilir. 

Koms¸uluk 

Seçil: S¸imdi bu "community" 

meselesi önemli; ben bu kav- 

ramı topluluk olarak çevirmeyi 

tercih edeceg˘im; yani 

nitelikleri açısından bir 

bütün olus¸turan kimselerin 

tümü. "Topluluk ile çalıs¸an 

sanatçılar" kalıbı ise 

malzeme haline getirilen 

topluluk ve bu durumun içer- 

dikleri üzerine düs¸ündürmeli 

bizi. 

Oda Projesi aslında kavram 

olarak topluluk yerine koms¸u- 

yu önerir diyebilir miyiz? 

Bunu sadece mahalledeki 

durus¸umuzu düs¸ünerek söylemiyorum; 

kimi zaman birileri 

bizi tanımlarken gerçekles¸en, 

içinde 8 sene geçirdig˘imiz 

mahallenin ve koms¸ularımızın 

bir kategoriye dönüs¸türülmesi 

durumunu tersine çevirme 

ihtiyacından hareket ediyo- 

rum. Teorize etmek, bir grup 

insanı "bir topluluk" tanımı 

içine sıkıs¸tırmayı gerek- 

tirir mi? Koms¸uluk ise meta- 

forik anlamda içi yeniden 

doldurulması ve her an yeni- 

den s¸ekillendirilmesi gereken 

bir olus¸ hali. Bütünlüklü 

ve uyum içinde olan herhangi 

bir yapı zaten mümkün ya da 

gerçek deg˘ildir, sonradan 

olus¸turulmus¸tur ya da "mıs¸ 

gibi" yapılmıs¸tır diyebi- 

liriz. Örneg˘in Oda Projesi 

Bristol'e davet edildi ve 

bize "s¸u toplulukla ya da s¸u 

grupla çalıs¸abilirsiniz" 

dediler. Biz tanımlı bir grup 

yerine bizimle bulus¸tug˘unda 

s¸ekillenip sonrasında dag˘ılan 

insanlar ile çalıs¸mayı 

içeren bir proje önerdik ve 

kabul edilmedik. Topluluk 

aslında parçalı, üreyen, 

uyumsuz, çatıs¸malı bir yapı. 

Bu yüzden de bu yapı ayakta 

kalabilir ve yeni sözler 

üretebilir. Belli tanımlı 

bir topluluk ile çalıs¸an Oda 

1 

Claire Bishop 

(2006) "The Social 

Turn: Collaboration 

and its dis- 

contents" Artforum 

Sayı 44(6) (S¸ubat), 

s. 178-183. 

2 

Bishop 2006: 180. 

3 

Bishop 2006: 180. 

4 

Bishop 2006: 180. 

5 

Bishop 2006: 180. 

6 

Bishop 2006: 

180-181. 

7 

Bishop 

2006: 180. 

8 

Claire Bishop 

(2004) "Antagonism 

and Relational 

Aesthetics" 

October Sayı 110 

(Sonbahar), s. 

51-79.


Projesi yerine "koms¸usu" ile çalıs¸an bir Oda Projesi 

yapısı öneriyorum. 

Derya: Koms¸u derken burada fizikî bir koms¸uluktan deg˘il, 

daha farklı bir s¸eyden bahsediyorsun sanırım. Yani 

sadece kapı koms¸usu deg˘il. Dog˘ru anlıyor muyum? Çes¸itli, 

çatıs¸malı, deg˘is¸ken bir dünyada farklı birarada olus¸ 

halleri gibi mi? 

Özge: Kendinin "nerede" bulundug˘unu daha iyi görmenin bir 

yolu aslında "yanındakine bakmak". Koms¸u, rastlantısal 

ya da deg˘il, aynı mekânı paylas¸an, birbirinin yüzüne bakan 

insanlar demek, ilk anlamıyla. Bu mekân paylas¸ımı yas¸amı 

s¸ekillendiriyor. Tek bas¸ımıza bir yas¸am kurmuyoruz aslında. 

Mesela mimarinin gücü, bu yas¸antıları birbirinden ayıran 

sınırlarda ortaya çıkıyor. Bu bazı mekân ve durumlarda 

daha da keskinles¸iyor, mesela bu sınır evin duvarı olarak 

kars¸ımıza çıktıg˘ında. Oda Projesi bu keskin ayrımları 

silikles¸tirmek istiyor. Bu anlamda koms¸uluk mekâna is¸aret 

eden veya mekânın kendisini s¸ekillendiren bir olgu. Orada 

özel yas¸amın sınırlarının ne olacag˘ına herkes kendisi 

karar veriyor: bazı koms¸ular daha gizli saklı olma isteg˘iyle 

farklı bir mekân kullanma biçimi yaratıyor, kimisi 

daha dıs¸a dönük bir yapı kuruyor. Mesela kimisi perde 

kullanıyor, kimisi kullanmıyor; ve bunlar tamamen dıs¸ 

dünyayla ve öncelikle de mekânsal konumu sana yakın olan 

kis¸iyle ne kadar ilis¸ki kurmak istedig˘ine bag˘lı olarak 

deg˘is¸iyor. Bu anlamda koms¸uluk ilis¸kisi dedig˘imiz s¸ey 

kamusallas¸manın ilk adımı aslında. Bu noktada, Oda Projesi 

için önemli olan, kamusal/özel alan ve onu biçimlendiren 

mimariye ek olarak koms¸uluk biçimlerini tartıs¸mak belki 

de... I ˙ ki kis¸inin koms¸ulug˘u kadar, kentte iki mekânın 

koms¸ulug˘u da buna dahil. 

Derya: Burada "kamusallas¸ma" derken olumlu bir imâ 

hissediyorum. Bu da bana, kamusal olanın otomatik olarak 

"iyi" oldug˘unu varsayan ve sorunlu buldug˘um bir bakıs¸ı 

hatırlatıyor. Acaba kolektifles¸me, ortak yas¸ama veya orta- 

klık (commonality) gibi bir kavram burada daha mı uygun 

olurdu diye soruyorum. 

Müelliflik 

Derya: Bishop, Hirschhorn örneg˘i üzerinden müelliflik 

(authorship) meselesini tartıs¸ırken, Hirschhorn'un sana- 

tsal müelliflig˘i elden bırakmayarak dog˘ru bir s¸ey yaptıg˘ını 

söylüyor. Burada Bishop müelliflig˘i tartıs¸ıyor gibi 

yapıyor ama onun esasını sorgulayacak bir tartıs¸maya 

yanas¸mıyor aslında diye düs¸ünüyorum. Bana Oda Projesi' 

nin is¸lerinde çekici gelen ise tam da bu: müelliflig˘in 

tartıs¸maya açılıyor olması. Müelliflikten vazgeçmek, sanat- 

çı ne yaparsa yapsın zaten mümkün deg˘il. Ama onu tartıs¸maya 

açmak anlamlı. Oda Projesi'nin is¸lerinde müelliflig˘in 

iki anlamda tartıs¸maya açıldıg˘ını düs¸ünüyorum: sanatsal 

müelliflik ve mekânsal müelliflik. Bence sorun (Bishop'un 

sandıg˘ı gibi) müelliflig˘in kimin elinde oldug˘u ya da 

sanatçıdan alınıp (gayet kolayca ve kahramanca) katılımcıya 

(veya mimarın/s¸ehircinin elinden alınıp mahalle ahâlisine) 

verilmesi deg˘il. Esas mesele müelliflig˘in kendisinin bir 

sorun olarak masaya yatırılması. Konu mekânsal müelliflik 

oldug˘unda bu iyice zorlas¸ıyor çünkü mimarlıg˘ın/s¸ehircilig˘in/tasarımcılıg˘ın 

bilgisi, verili kabul edilen, otoritesi 

sorgulanmayan, hâkim bir bilgi. Bu hâkim uzman bilgisi ve 

onun meslek ideolojisi, mekânın müellifinin kim oldug˘una 

dair herhangi bir tartıs¸manın açılmasına zaten izin 

vermiyor. 

Burada bir de özerklik (autonomy) ile müelliflik (authorship) 

kavramlarını birlikte düs¸ünmek gerekiyor gibi 

geliyor bana. Müelliflik 

sanki bir tür otorite imâ 

ediyor. Aynı anda müellif 

ve özerk olmak mümkün mü? 

Belki "özerk"in tarifini de 

yeniden düs¸ünmek gerekiyor. 

Ki bu sorular bana Michael 

Hardt & Antonio Negri'nin 

yazılarını, Zapatista 

hareketini ve John Holloway' 

in change the world with- 

out taking power bas¸lıklı 

kitabını hatırlatıyor. 9 

Belki de özerklig˘i bireyin 

özerklig˘i olarak deg˘il de, 

tekilliklerin (singularity) 

kesis¸tikleri yerlerde olus¸an 

özerk alanlar olarak anlamak 

lazım. Bu anlamıyla özerklik 

acaba müelliflig˘i zorlayan 

bir kavram olarak düs¸ünü- 

lebilir mi? 

Özge: Aslında mesele, müelli- 

flikle yaratılmıs¸ durumlar 

içinde de otonomluk kurabilmek. 

Ancak o noktada belki 

otonomluk anonimlig˘i ve 

müelliflig˘i es¸it kılabilir. 

Evet, Oda Projesi bir imza 

ve projelerinin açık uçlulug˘unu 

korudug˘u sürece 

yarattıg˘ı alanlarda otonom- 

lug˘a yer var demektir. Sen 

de tekilliklerin kesis¸tig˘i 

yer derken buna mekânsal 

olarak bakmaktan bahsediyorsun 

sanırım. 

Derya: Evet, müelliflig˘in 

mekân üzerinden düs¸ünülmesini 

kastediyorum. 

Özge: Bu aslında bir yandan 

da bag˘lam meselesi. Mesela 

Hirschhorn sanatçı olarak 

is¸ini yapıyor, sanat bag˘lamında 

hareket ediyor. Sanatçı 

is¸ini yaparken ahâliye para 

ödüyor ve sanatçı olarak 

kendisi de bu zincirin bir 

parçası, yani o da ödenekli. 

Oda Projesi'nin bas¸langıç 

dönemindeki farkı buradan da 

kaynaklanıyor aslında; 

Türkiye'de sanata para ayrıl- 

mıyorsa eg˘er, o zaman farklı 

stratejiler gelis¸tirilebilir 

demis¸tik. Hüseyin Alptekin'in 

dedig˘i gibi, "yakınmak fay- 

dasız." Avrupa'daki sistemler 

içinde eyleyen bir sanatçının 

yaptıklarını bu durumu 

bilerek tartıs¸manın önemli 

oldug˘unu düs¸ünüyorum.Sanat- 

çıya devletin eles¸tirisini 

yapması için destek olunuyor; 

ve bu durum Avrupa'daki 

telafi politikalarının bir 

ürünü. Sanatçılar, devletin 

9 

Holloway, 2002, 

Pluto Press.


parasıyla devlete kars¸ı geliyorlar; yani aslında, çok 

abartarak söylüyorum, devlet özeles¸tiri satın alıyor. 

Bir de, ben açıkçası burada yas¸anmıs¸ deneyimin önemli 

oldug˘unu düs¸ünüyorum. I ˙ lis¸kiler, yapıtlar çes¸itli teoriler 

üzerinden tartıs¸ıldıkça bir anlamda yas¸anmıs¸lıklarını 

yitiriyorlar. Hem sanatsal hem de gündelik deneyimin bu 

anlamda yeterince paylas¸ılmadıg˘ını düs¸ünüyorum. Örneg˘in 

Hirschhorn'un yapıtının etik, estetik, politik boyutu 

tartıs¸ılıyor ama örneg˘in ben, Oda Projesi deneyiminden 

gelen biri olarak, is¸in arka planını daha çok merak 

ediyorum. Bu proje katılanların yas¸amını nasıl etkiledi? 

Nasıl bir müdahale, deg˘is¸im ya da mübadele yarattı? Bir 

ahaliyle ilis¸kiye geçme durumu söz konusu ve tek boyutlu 

bir is¸ olamaz bu, sadece sanat bag˘lamından bakarak okunamaz. 

Biz de bir kere bir hata yaptık, Ada is¸inde Mustafa 

beyle olan deneyimimizi yeterince yansıtmadık. 10 

Günes¸: "Nasıl bir müdahale, deg˘is¸im ya da mübadele yarattı?" 

sorusu üzerine düs¸ünüyorum. Her projenin bas¸langıcı 

benim için yog˘un bir bilememe hali ve heyecan içeriyor. 

Sonra bu belirsizlik deg˘is¸ tokus¸lar, mübadelelerle s¸ekillenmeye 

bas¸lıyor. Bir projeyi tamamladıg˘ımızda elimizde 

kalan, bu ilis¸kiler oluyor. Çog˘u zaman bu kurdug˘umuz 

ilis¸kileri yeterince paylas¸amıyoruz projeyi paylas¸ırken. 

Müdahale bana çok keskin bir kelimeymis¸ gibi geliyor. Oda 

Projesi bulundug˘u alanda ve kurdug˘u ilis¸kilerde bir müda- 

haleye niyet etmese de, bir deg˘is¸ tokus¸, oldug˘u yeri 

ve konumu biraz yadırgamak ve bundan yola çıkarak belki 

olus¸abilecek bir dönüs¸ümü hayal ediyor bence. Her gün 

yapageldig˘imiz, sıradan, her gün gördüg˘ümüz ve aslında 

sıkıcı olan bir s¸eye tekrar bakarken ne görebiliriz? 

Hata yapmak 

Derya: Özge, "hata" diye bahsettig˘in bu sorunu biraz daha 

açar mısın? 

Özge: O projeyi olus¸turan sürecin içinde yitip gittik. 

I ˙ s¸in ortaya çıkan ya da kamuyla paylas¸ılan kısmı, oradaki 

"üretim" sürecine yabancı bir sunumdan ibaret kaldı, yani 

sadece bir "dekor" haline geldi. "Hata" diye buna diyorum. 

Meseleyi çok genelles¸tiriyor olsa da, Marius Babias'ın 

bienal kitabındaki "Politikanın Sanat Ortamındaki Stratejik 

Kullanımı Üzerine" 11 yazısı bu bag˘lamda ilginç olabilir 

aslında; s¸öyle diyor: "küreselles¸me süreci içinde sanata 

gündelik hayatın süslenmesi ve görsel anlamda sömürgeles¸ti- 

rilmesi rolü verildi" ya da "mesela doksanlı yıllarda 

sanatçılar tarafından düzenlenen sergi ve projelerin s¸ehir 

ve s¸ehircilik kavramlarını eles¸tirmeleri sonucunda bu 

konular politik anlamda araçsallas¸mıs¸, kent pazarlama stra- 

tejileri tarafindan tüketilmis¸tir." 

Derya: Bu noktada, Marius Babias'in söyledig˘i s¸ey bence 

de oluyor, bir sürü örneg˘i de bulunabilir, ama genelles¸tirmemek 

s¸artıyla. Teddy Cruz buna mimarlık alanından 

verilebilecek bir örnek. Guatemala asıllı Amerikalı mimar 

Cruz, ABD - Meksika sınırındaki Tijuana s¸ehrinde çog˘u 

buluntu malzemeler kullanılarak üretilmis¸ derme çatma yer- 

les¸imleri mimarlık felsefesinin merkezine tas¸ıyor. Cruz, 

Tijuana'daki enformel mekânların esneklig˘inden, demokratik- 

lig˘inden, yaratıcılıg˘ından dem vuruyor ve onlardan ilham 

aldıg˘ını söylüyor. Ruhsuz kapalı sitelere, yabancılas¸maya 

yol açan Amerikan banliyölerine kars¸ı "insani bir model" 

olarak bu yerles¸imleri savunuyor. 12 

Bahsettig˘in "hata"ya dönmek gerekirse, ilis¸kilerin 

yapısıyla sunumun (veya sergilemenin veya temsilin 

[representation]) yapısı 

çok farklı galiba. Sergileme 

as¸amasında yas¸anan sıkıntı 

bundan kaynaklanıyor olabilir 

mi? Bana öyle geliyor ki 

Oda Projesi'nin ilis¸kilere 

dayalı hatta onlardan ibaret 

olan is¸leriyle, sergide bir 

s¸ey göstermesini gerektiren 

durumlarda ürettig˘i is¸ler 

arasında çok fark var. I ˙ kin- 

cisinde sergi düzeneg˘i ve 

sanat dünyasının getirdig˘i, 

kurumsallas¸malara dayalı bir 

zorluk var. Verili bir tem- 

sil çerçevesi var ve onunla 

didis¸mek gerekiyor. Bu da 

"kör göze parmak" anlamında 

politik mesajlar vermeye 

itiyor is¸lerinizi. Oda Pro- 

jesi üzerine düs¸ünme ve 

yazma pratig˘imden yola çıka- 

rak söylüyorum bunu. Galata' 

da gerçekles¸tirdig˘iniz is¸leri 

söze dökmek, tarif etmek 

epey zor; çünkü bunlar teo- 

riyi zorlayan pratikler. 

Halbuki mesela yukarıda sözü 

geçen Ada is¸i, mug˘laklıg˘ından 

kaynaklanan zenginlig˘ini 

yitiriyor ve fazla net 

bir politik mesaja dönüs¸üyor. 

Hatta bienal çerçevesinde 

hiç ummadıg˘ınız ve belki de 

arzu etmeyebileceg˘iniz bir 

temsil gücü kazanıyor. 

Özge: Burada teorinin dönüs¸- 

türücü gücünden bahsedebiliriz. 

Deneyimi paylas¸ma 

as¸amasında dönüs¸türücü 

araçlarla hareket ediyoruz 

diyebilir miyiz? Bu, o 

deneyimin mekânını kaydırmakla 

ilgili oldug˘u kadar, 

onu sunmakla da ilgili bir 

durum. Ben aslında yeniden 

sunmayı "temsil etme" ye 

tercih ediyorum (re-presentation/representation). 

I ˙ s¸te 

o noktada yaptıg˘ımız "is¸" 

ya da "eylem" üzerine biz de 

düs¸ünmeye bas¸lıyoruz ve 

birtakım araçlarla onu sorgu- 

lamaya açıyoruz. Yani sunumun 

bas¸arısı ya da bas¸arısızlıg˘ından 

öte, neden oldug˘u 

tartıs¸malarla ilgileniyoruz. 

Seçil: Ben projelerin çes¸itli 

teoriler üzerinden eles¸tirilerek 

yas¸anmıs¸lıklarını 

yitirdiklerine inanmıyorum. 

Zaten yas¸anmıs¸lık adı üzerin- 

de yas¸anmıs¸lıktır, hele ki 

bizim tarz projelerde bu çok 

da anlık bir s¸ey. Zaten hangi 

durum o anı kars¸ılayabilir 

ki? Ben iyi yapılan teorinin 

yas¸anmıs¸lıg˘a zarar verdig˘ini 

deg˘il onu dönüs¸türdüg˘üne 

inanıyorum. Biz bile 

10 

Ada, Oda Projesi'nin 

8. I ˙ stanbul binealine 

katkısıdır. Bu çerçe- 

vede, I ˙ stanbul' 

da yas¸ayan bir gece- 

kondu ustası olan 

Mustafa bey ve 

arkadas¸ları, Antrepo 

bahçesine Mustafa 

Tetik Modeli adlı 

bir gecekondu ins¸a 

ettiler. I ˙ ns¸a etme 

fikri ve edilme 

süreci etrafındaki 

diyaloglar videoya 

kaydedildig˘i halde 

kullanılmadı. Gece- 

konduya, gecekondu 

fikrinden dog˘ru kente 

bakmaya çalıs¸an 

yazılardan olus¸an 

Annex isimli gazete 

es¸lik etti. 

11 

Marius Babias (2005) 

"On the Strategic 

Use of Politics in 

the Context of Art" 

Art, city and Poli- 

tics in an expanding 

World, Writings from 

the 9th International 

Istanbul bien- 

nial, IKSV, s. 291. 

12 

New York Times, 

12 Mart 2006(http:// 

www.nytimes.com/2006/ 

03/12/arts/design/12 

ouro.html?_r=1).


deneyimimizi anlatırken onu teorize etmekten keyif 

alıyoruz ve hatta bazen fazla teorize ederken bile 

bulabiliyoruz kendimizi. Projenin kendi teo- 

risini ve terminolojisini olus¸turması da ideal durum oluyor. 

Sanki buna dog˘ru bir niyet veya eg˘ilim de var. Bence bizim 

deneyimimizde bir proje içinde dört bölüm var; 1. Proje 

öncesi düs¸ünüm, 2. Pratig˘in süreci, 3. Rehavet teorisi, 

4. Projenin teorisi. Bu dört bölüm birbiri ardından içiçe 

geçerek olus¸uyor denebilir. 

Özge: Rehavet teorisini biraz açar mısın? Yas¸anmıs¸lık eg˘er 

"paylas¸ılmazsa" teoriyle kayboluyor diyorum aslında ben. 

Seçil: Rehavet teorisi s¸öyle bir s¸ey: projenin gerçekles¸ti- 

rilmesinin ardından yog˘un "pratik" dönemden çıkmıs¸ olundug˘u 

için bu dönem projenin gerçekles¸tig˘i mekâna ve duruma 

bir yabancılas¸ma getiriyor ki bu iyi bir durum. Bu yabancılas¸ma 

bir tür durma, uzaklas¸ma, projeden bütünüyle 

sıyrılma halini içeriyor. Bunu sürekli üretim halinde ol- 

manın olanaksızlıg˘ı üzerinden açıklayabiliriz. Rehavet 

dönemi yani kendini bırakmıs¸lık ve durgunluk hali, yog˘un 

bir yas¸anmıs¸lıktan çıkılmıs¸ oldug˘u için sag˘lıklı bir dönem 

ama bu dönemin geçeceg˘i sürenin kontrolü, mekânın ve 

ilis¸kilerin üreticisi olan sanatçının ve kolektif yapının 

elinde olmalı. Yani bazen bu dönemin de teorisinin yani 

düs¸ünümünün yapılması gerektig˘ini düs¸ünüyorum. Salt bir 

geri çekilme ve dinlenme hali mümkün olamıyor, ya da kısa 

süreli mümkün olabiliyorken, mesafenin getirdig˘i bas¸ka 

bakıs¸ların projeye bakıs¸ı teorize etmesine imkân vermekten 

bahsediyorum. Rehavet teorisi aslında projenin teorisini 

yapmaya geçis¸te bir tür ara dönem; yarı farkındalık yarı 

esrimeyi içinde barındıran bir hal. Rehavet teorisi pratik- 

ten teoriye sıçramayı, atlamayı, zıplamayı yumus¸atan bir 

aralık. Sert bir geçis¸ ve kendi deneyimini fazla teorize 

etmek yerine, teorinin kurulmasına olanak sag˘layan sürecin 

kolektif için farkındalıg˘ını yaratmak gibi de 

düs¸ünebiliriz bunu. 

Özge: Aslında bunlar amaç deg˘il sonuçlar. I ˙ s¸in etik boyu- 

tunu tartıs¸abilmek için gereken bilgiler. Oda Projesi 

is¸lerinde etki ve tepkiyi görünür kılmak önemli. "Hata" 

meselesine dönmek gerekirse, gecekonduyu ins¸a eden Mustafa 

beyin deneyimi ve bizim onlarla yas¸adıg˘ımız deneyimlerin 

kesis¸tig˘i noktaları sunmak önemliydi. "I ˙ kinci izleyici" 

denen kis¸i için bunlar pek görünür olmadı. O kis¸ilikleri 

egzotize etmeden bunu nasıl bas¸arabilirdik? Bu yüzden bu 

sunum sorunu önemli. Video gibi araçların tuzag˘ı da 

aslında bu. 

Seçil: Oda Projesi kendi sanat üretimini bir niyet olarak 

anlatır. Bunun kendi içinde bir tutarlılıg˘ı var, ve bu 

bir anlamda koruyucu da bir tanım. Niyet dedig˘imizde sorum- 

luluk alanımızı biraz daraltmıs¸, odaklanmıs¸ oluyoruz. Bu 

anlamda niyet aslında sonuç deg˘il süreçtir. Bu da sanatçı 

kolektiflerinin üretimini sosyal sorumluluk projelerinde 

çalıs¸anların (I ˙ ngilizce'de "social worker"ların) üretimin- 

den ayıran bir bakıs¸a is¸aret eder. Niyet, projeleri 

birbirine bag˘layan bir ara bag˘dır. Gecekondu projesi bir 

bienalde yer alması açısından bir niyet bag˘lamında düs¸ünüebilir 

ama sonuç olarak ortaya çıkmıs¸tır. Yukarıda saydıg˘ım 

proje as¸amalarından geçmis¸ ve kendini sunmus¸tur. 

Burada sorum hem Oda'ya hem de Derya'ya olacak: bir durumu 

egzotize etmek ne demektir? Konu gecekondu oldug˘u için 

mi bu soruyu soruyor Özge? Piknik 13 projesinde piknik ve o 

bag˘lamda mahalle egzotize edilmis¸ olabilir mi? Hayatımın 

Fotog˘rafı 14 projesinde mahalleden projeye katılanlar 

egzotize edilmis¸ olabilir mi? 

Derya: Evet, is¸te tam da bu noktada geliyor eles¸tiriler. 15 

Bu eles¸tirilere göre bu sorulara evet cevabı verilebilir, 

yani Ada'da da, Piknik'te 

de, Hayatımın Fotog˘rafı'nda 

da bir tür egzotikles¸tirme 

vardır. Egzotikles¸tirme so- 

nuçta da süreçte de ortaya 

çıkabilir. Hatta amaçlan- 

madıg˘ı halde ortaya çıkabilir. 

Burada can alıcı soru sanki 

s¸u: Bu egzotikles¸tirme 

mekanizmasına teslim olmamak 

için ne gibi stratejiler 

gelis¸tirilebilir? 

Özge: Bir durumu egzotize 

etmek, o durum, nesne veya 

özneyle kars¸ılıklı hiçbir 

ilis¸ki kurmadan, hiçbir 

"mübadele" yapmadan onu bas¸- 

kalarına sunmak, yani sadece 

görüp, algılayıp, onu bir 

de bas¸kalarına göstermektir. 

Ben kurulan ilis¸kilerin 

görünürlüg˘ünü, katılımcılıg˘a 

açık olus¸unu bu anlamda 

önemsiyorum. Onun için gece- 

kondu orada tek bas¸ına kaldı- 

g˘ında (her ne kadar Annex 

gazetesi ve bilbordla deste- 

klenmis¸ olsa da) 16 izleyici 

tarafından egzotik veya otan- 

tik bir nesne olarak algılanması 

normal diye düs¸ünüyorum. 

I ˙ lis¸ki kurdug˘unuzda, 

o ilis¸kinin bir süreci oldu- 

g˘undan, bir hikâye anlatmıs¸ 

oluyorsunuz. Bu hikâyenin 

anlatılmasında bir sakınca 

görmüyorum ben. Yani o 

hikâyenin egzotik oldug˘unu 

düs¸ünmüyorum. Ama Piknik 

ve Hayatımın Fotog˘rafı'nda 

bir süreç var ve o süreç, 

o hikâye görülebiliyor. Pik- 

nik özel bir durum aslında, 

orada gösteriye dönüs¸en, 

içindekiler deg˘il kurulan 

mekândı öncelikle. Mahallede 

çekilmis¸ fotog˘raflar tek 

bas¸larına elbette egzotikler 

ama biz onları tek bas¸ına 

göstermedik, hatta hiç gös- 

termedik. O fotog˘raflar 

çekildi ve sahiplerine teslim 

edildi. Önemli olan kars¸ılıklı 

yas¸anmıs¸ deneyimdi. 

I ˙ stanbul 

Seçil: Acaba müelliflik 

meselesine, "I ˙ stanbul 

ve müelliflik" üzerinden 

yaklas¸abilir miyiz? 

Derya: I ˙ stanbul ve müelliflik 

ilis¸kisini düs¸ünmek 

bana anlamlı geliyor çünkü 

son tahlilde bizi mekân ve 

müelliflik tartıs¸masını 

açmaya zorlayan I ˙ stanbul'un 

gündelik hayatını üreten 

13 

Berlinli sanatçı 

Erik Göngrich'in 

I˙stanbul'u pik- 

nik-s¸ehir olarak 

gözlemleyen 

Piknik projesi, 

10 Haziran 2001. 

s¸ahkulu sokag˘ının 

avlusu, isteyen 

herkesin dog˘al 

olarak içinden 

geçtig˘i, bir soluk 

alma ve, içindeki 

bitkiler de 

düs¸ünüldüg˘ünde, 

aynı zamanda bir 

soluk verme yeri 

idi. O gün avluda 

hep beraber pik- 

nik yapılırken 

herkes ayakkabıla- 

rını avlunun 

dıs¸ında bıraktı. 

Avlu mahallenin 

salonu oluverdi, 

kamusal alanda özel 

bir mekân yaratıl- 

mıs¸ oldu, böylece 

avlu yeniden 

tanımlandı. Pik- 

nikte yenecekler, 

içilecekler ve 

kullanılacak 

kapkacak, sabah- 

tan en yakın 

mahalle pazarına 

gidilerek temin 

edildi. Bir hafta 

öncesinden dave- 

tiyeler hazırlanıp 

koms¸ulara dag˘ıtı- 

ldı. Davetiyede 

herkesten bir pik- 

nik yemeg˘i pis¸ir- 

mesi de rica 

ediliyordu. Sonra 

sıra avluyu plas- 

tik halılarla 

kaplamaya geldi. 

Erik, kent içinde 

kullanılan bu 

çokis¸levli halı- 

ları s¸öyle tanım- 

lıyordu: "Yere 

koydug˘unuz an, özel 

ya da kamusal 

alan farketmez, 

orası sizin olu- 

veriyor." I ˙ stan- 

bul'daki kamusal 

alanın bir nevi 

sorgulaması gibi 

de olan piknik, 

sokakta ama ayak- 

kabısız olmanın 

tuhaflıg˘ı içinde, 

"kamusal" veya 

"özel" diye tanım- 

layabil-eceg˘imiz 

mekânların I ˙ stan- 

bul'da gerçekten 

var olup olmadıg˘ı 

sorusunu ortaya 

atıyordu. 

14 

8. I ˙ stanbul Bie- 

nali kapsamında 

gerçekles¸en Ada 

projesinin Galata 

ayag˘ı "Cumartesi 

Bulus¸maları" adı 

altında bir dizi 

etkinlikti. Oda 

Projesi bu çerçe- 

vede birçok sanat- 

çıyı mahalleli 

ile is¸birlig˘i 

içinde projeler 

üretmeye davet 

etti. Hayatımın 

Fotog˘ rafı projesi 

Belmin Söylemez ve 

Orhan Cem Çetin'in 

ortak pro- 

jesiydi. Mahalleden 

projeye katılmak 

isteyenler, 

çektirmek istedik- 

leri en güzel 

fotog˘raflarını 

çektirdiler ve bu 

sırada yapılan 

görüs¸melerin video 

filmi yapıldı. 

Çekilen fotog˘raflar 

sahiplerine 

verildi, Oda Pro- 

jesi mekânında 

sadece foto- 

g˘raflardan olus¸an 

bir kolaj 

ile çekilen video 

sergilendi. 

15 

Sözkonusu eles¸ti- 

rilerin sahibi, 

doktora tezi danıs¸- 

manım ve sevgili 

arkadas¸ım Rachel 

Haidu'ya tes¸ekkür 

ederim. 

16 

Ada adlı proje 

kapsamında kentin 

bazı reklam pano- 

larında satılık 

bir gecekonduya 

dair sahte bir 

ilan yer almıs¸tı.


mekânsal pratikler. Yani bir anlamda mekân ve müelliflik 

tartıs¸masını yapmadan I ˙ stanbul'u tartıs¸amayız zaten. 

Seçil: I ˙ stanbul Kültür Bas¸kenti konusu ile gündeme 

oturan kültür, sanat ve kent üçgeni, minör ve majör olanın 

I ˙ stanbul için yeniden tanımlanmasına yol açacak gibi 

görünüyor. 

Özge: Müelliflik kavramı da, mutenalas¸ma (gentrification) 

gibi "Batılı" bir kavram. I ˙ stanbul'da s¸imdiye dek müelliflik 

pek olmamıs¸ zaten, kent böyle yapılanmamıs¸. Belki de 

müelliflig˘in bizim kullandıg˘ımız dildeki kars¸ılıg˘ını bulmalı, 

yani I ˙ stanbul'da authorship neye denk geliyor diye sorma- 

lıyız. Aslında önce mekân kuruluyor sonra oraya sahip 

olunuyor. Yani bas¸ından itibaren bir müelliflik söz konusu 

deg˘il. Oda Projesi mekânının müellifini de bunun üstünden 

tartıs¸abiliriz. Yani önce mekân kuruluyor, sonra imza 

geliyor gibi. 

Seçil: Aslında s¸u anda çok güncel olan "mühim, dev mimarlara" 

emanet edilen kent parçalarıyla, "sahiplik" kazandırılmak 

istenen kent gibi bir durumu yas¸ıyoruz. Galata'da 

mahalledeki varolus¸ ölçeg˘imizde düs¸ündüg˘ümüz zaman, mekânın 

kiracısı olan bizlerin, çevremizdeki yas¸antı biçimlerine 

bir tür uyum sag˘ladıg˘ımız ve onlardan ödünç aldıg˘ımız 

durumlar sözkonusuydu. Hatta bu koms¸uların ev sahiplig˘inde 

gerçekles¸iyor gibi dursa da aslında her biri geçici, 

göçebe, dünyevi ve geleceksiz kullanımlardı. Bunları belki 

Derya'nın önerdig˘i "mekânın suiistimal deg˘eri" üzerinden 

düs¸ünebiliriz. Mekânın müellifi bizmis¸iz gibi duruyor, ama 

sadece "mis¸iz" gibi. 

Derya: Kültür-sanat-kent üçgeni aslında çok da yeni bir 

mesele deg˘il. Biz bir dönüs¸üme tanık oluyoruz s¸u sıralarda 

gibi geliyor bana. Kültür endüstrisi bu üç alandaki her 

s¸eyi birbirine eklemleyip içermeye dog˘ru evriliyor. Seçil, 

sana katılıyorum, I ˙ stanbul'da son birkaç yılda ayyuka çıkan 

bu dönüs¸üm, hem küçük hem büyük ölçeg˘in yeniden tanımlanmasını 

gerektirecek. Yıllar yılı derme çatmalık üzerine 

kurulu bir s¸ehir mekânı üretimi var I ˙ stanbul'da; s¸ehir bunun 

dinamig˘iyle kendini yeniden üretegelmis¸. Kentsel dönüs¸üm 

adı altında gerçekles¸tirilen büyük ölçekli büyük sermayeye 

dayalı projelerle birlikte s¸ehirdeki küçük ölçekli mü- 

dahaleler nasıl deg˘is¸ecek? Bu soru önemli. Büyük projeler 

küçük müdahaleleri tamamen silip yok mu edecek. 

Özge: Aslında bu noktada Oda Projesi'nin yapabileceg˘i s¸ey, 

mümkün oldug˘unca bu mikro durumları kazıp çıkartmak belki 

de. "Çöp kentler" teorisinde oldug˘u gibi burada da bir 

geçmis¸i çöpe atma durumu yas¸anıyor. Mikro olus¸umlar da bu 

geçmis¸in bir parçası. Bu ayakta kalabilme yapıları, bir 

yandan da tamamen ekonomiye bag˘lı. Bir ayakta kalma ihtiyacı 

oldug˘u sürece, o mikro olus¸umlar kendini üretmeye devam 

edecektir. Ama ekonomiye bag˘lı olarak her s¸ey deg˘is¸iyor, 

kapalı site reklamlarının söylemlerinden tutun, ulas¸ım 

zorlug˘unun giderilmesi söylemlerine kadar. Mesela I ˙ stanbul 

mahallelerine ulas¸ım kolaylas¸tıkça, güzelles¸tirilmeleri de 

elzem hale geliyor. Örnegin çok çalıs¸tıg˘ı ve çok yoruldug˘u 

için kent trafig˘inde zaman kaybetmek istemeyen üst orta 

sınıf için ulas¸ım kolaylas¸tıkça, "kent içi safarisi" durumu 

daha da yog˘unlas¸ıyor; böylece ulas¸ılabilir mekânlar deg˘is¸ime 

dönüs¸üme maruz kalıyor. Örneg˘in Bilgi Üniversitesi'nin 

varos¸ olarak nitelendirilen ya da kentin çöküntü bölgelerin- 

deki mekânlara yayılması, I ˙ stanbul'a ilgi arttıkça kent 

pazarlama stratejilerinin gelis¸mesi, turizm üzerinden kaza- 

nılan sermaye, bunların hepsi birbirine bag˘lı olarak geli- 

s¸iyor. Ama ben yine de herbirini bir kent dinamig˘i olarak 

görme taraftarıyım. Örneg˘in "Avrupa Kültür Bas¸kenti" olmak 

ug˘runa büyük kıyımların gerçekles¸tirilmesine bakalım. 

Mekân soykırımı diyebiliriz bunların bazılarına, "sorun" 

olarak algılanan mekânların yok sayılması ve yıkıma maruz 

bırakılması anlamında. Çünkü 

"2010'a kadar tüm gece- 

konduları yıkmalıyız, 2010' 

a kadar tüm tarihi deg˘er tas¸ı- 

yan binaların onarılması 

gerekir" gibi korkutucu bir 

hızla ilerleyen bir hareket 

söz konusu. 17 s¸imdiye kadar 

bunlara göz yumulmus¸, çünkü 

makro ekonomi bir anlamda bu 

mikro ekonomi üzerine kuru- 

luymus¸. Birdenbire bunları 

mucize hızıyla yıkmaya çalı- 

s¸ıyorsun ve bu "kentsel 

dönüs¸üm" mahallelerinde barı- 

nan insanları bir kitle ola- 

rak algılıyorsun. Halbuki 

herkesin farklı gereksinimleri, 

farklı arzuları, 

farklı yas¸am biçimleri var. 

Empati 

Günes¸: Oda Projesi bir çalıs¸- 

ma yapmak için gittig˘i yeri 

sahiplenip oraya kök salmaya 

çalıs¸mıyor. Çog˘u zaman meraklı 

hatta bazen s¸üpheci bir 

yaklas¸ımı oldug˘unu bile söy- 

leyebiliriz. Ancak empati 

meselesi benim kafamı karıs¸- 

tırıyor. I ˙ zleyici olmak, mi- 

safir olmak, dinlemek, tartıs¸- 

maya açmak gibi yaklas¸ımlar 

sergiliyoruz. Empati kendini 

kars¸ısındakinin yerine koymak 

diye tarif edilebilir. 

Öyleyse bence Oda Projesi 

kendini kars¸ısındakinin 

yerine koymaktansa o kis¸iyi 

kendisine sorular sormaya 

yönlendirmeye çalıs¸ıyor 

sanki. Bu aslında çok olumlu 

bir yaklas¸ım gibi dursa da 

bana biraz sorunlu geliyor. 

Özge: Ben empatiye sog˘uk 

yaklas¸tıg˘ımızı düs¸ünmüyorum. 

Hatta ben Oda Projesi'nin 

tamamen empati yoluyla ortaya 

çıkmıs¸ bir proje oldug˘unu 

düs¸ünüyorum. Mahalledeki "sa- 

nat projesiz" üç yıl bunun 

göstergesidir. "Ben, nasıl 

olur da benden farklı olan 

bir kis¸iyle birliktelik kura- 

bilirim?" sorusu önemli. 

Mahallede bu tür bir ilis¸ki 

de vardı ve bunu kurabilmek 

için empati s¸arttı bence. 

Mesela ben tek odadan ibaret 

bir evde hiç yas¸amadım, orada 

koms¸umun evinde bunu ilk 

kez gördüm. O tek odalı evde 

misafir olarak bulundum. Bunu 

yas¸amasaydım, böyle bir 

yas¸ama biçimi olabileceg˘ine 

17 

Mart-Nisan 2011'de 

bu metin son defa 

gözden geçirildig˘i- 

nde I ˙ stanbul 2010 

kültür bas¸kenti pro- 

jeleri son ermis¸ti. 

Bu süreçte olan bite- 

nin bir deg˘erlendirmesini 

yapmak ve 

bu deg˘erlendirme 

üzerinden buradaki 

tartıs¸mayı yeniden 

düs¸ünmek anlamlı 

olacaktır. Fakat 

s¸imdi burada bu is¸e 

giris¸meyeceg˘iz.


"inanmazdım." O tek oda ile bizim "oda"nın da bir kardes¸lig˘i 

vardı tabii. Yani orada is¸levsellig˘i patlama noktasına 

gelmis¸, is¸levsellig˘e doymus¸ bir mekân kars¸ısında bizim öner- 

dig˘imiz "yararsız uzam"ın yanyanalıg˘ı çok önemliydi. 

Birbirinin tamamen zıddı olan bu iki mekân empati olmaksızın 

nasıl bir arada yas¸ayabilirdi? Kars¸ılıklı empatiden 

bahsediyorum elbette. Yani bu empati meselesi olmazsa ben, 

kendimden bas¸ka kimseyle ilis¸ki kuramam ki. Kursam da 

yüzeysel bir ilis¸ki olur bu. 

Empatinin bir bas¸ka örneg˘i de Marmara Depremi'dir. Deprem 

sırasında ve sonrasında kendimiz o travmayı yas¸amamıs¸ 

olsaydık, deprem bölgesine destek olmaya o kadar çok kis¸i 

gitmeyebilirdi. Çünkü kendimiz yas¸amadıg˘ımız sürece felaket 

haberlerine sog˘uk medyadan ulas¸ıyoruz. Televizyon denen 

platformun magazin haberiyle felaket haberini es¸itleyici 

bir yapısı var ve bu yüzden bana pek inandırıcı gelmiyor. 

Ancak bir durumun içinde yer alarak onu yas¸amak empatiyi 

beraberinde getiriyor. 

Temsiliyet 

Derya: Oda Projesi bir marka haline geldi diyebilir miyiz? 

Bu markalas¸ma, illa ki Türkiye'yi temsil etme anlamında 

olmayabilir. Mesela is¸birlig˘ine dayalı sanatı temsil ediyor 

olabilir. Ayrıca bunu illa negatif bir s¸ey olarak söylemiyorum, 

ya da Oda Projesi buna mahkumdur da demiyorum. Bana 

öyle geliyor ki, bu bir durum ve bu duruma göre stratejiler 

gelis¸tirmek gerekiyor. Bu da aslında dönüp dolas¸ıp yukarıda 

bahsettig˘imiz temsil meselesine bag˘lanıyor. Oda Projesi 

eyliyor. Bu eylemler sunulmaya bas¸landıg˘ı andan itibaren 

is¸leriyle etrafına ördüg˘ü kabug˘undan çıkmak durumunda 

kalıyor, çünkü bu eylemin bir "dıs¸arısı" olus¸maya bas¸lıyor. 

I ˙ s¸te bu dıs¸arıyla bas¸ etmek için bazı stratejilerin 

gelis¸tirilmesi gerekli sanki. Sürekli bir yeniden düs¸ünme, 

yeniden okuma, tartıs¸ma halini kastediyorum. 

Özge: Bence burada bag˘lam meselesi çok önemli. Yine de, 

temsiliyetler üzerinden okudug˘un zaman, zaten kentte 

gördüg˘ün veya bir sergide gördüg˘ün "s¸ey" aynı düzlemde yer 

alıyor. Bence bu bakıs¸ı korudug˘un sürece mesele yok. Ben 

kentteki bir duvar yazısına ya da sergideki bir is¸e bakarken 

aynı hazzı alıyorum. Onları, niyetleri ya da temsil ettik- 

leri s¸eyler üzerinden okumaya çalıs¸ıyorum, çünkü o bir 

kez yapanın elinden çıkmıs¸ ve gösteriye açılmıs¸, tabii 

ki bir s¸eyi temsil edecek. Bence sanat bag˘lamındaki sorun 

hâlâ sanatın yüce bir s¸ey olarak algılanması ve tüketim 

kültürünün bir parçası olması. O zaman is¸in içine reklam, 

tanıtım, imza gibi unsurlar giriyor, ki bunlar bizim 

açımızdan rahatsız edici ve sorgulanan s¸eyler. Bu durumda 

sanatın, çevresinin, alıcısının, açılıs¸ının, sunulma 

biçiminin yeniden ve yeniden sorgulanması önem tas¸ıyor. 

I ˙ ster sadece yazarak ve konus¸arak olsun, ister sergileme 

biçiminde olsun. 

Mekânın Üretimi 

Derya: Yukarıda Seçil'in bahsettig˘i "geçici, göçebe, 

dünyevi ve geleceksiz kullanımlar"ı biraz daha açabilir 

miyiz? Bu göçebe kullanım biçimleri, mahallede Oda 

Projesi'nin hazır olarak buldug˘u ve ödünç aldıg˘ı mekân 

kullanımları, deg˘il mi? Bana öyle geliyor ki, Galata' 

da sözünü ettig˘iniz göçebe pratikler sözkonusu oldug˘unda, 

mekânın müellifi mahallelinin kendisi aslında, öyle deg˘il 

mi? Oda Projesi de bu anlamda mahalleli oldug˘u kadar 

müelliftir denebilir mi? Yani mahallede mekânın üretimine 

katıldıg˘ı oranda. Kaldı ki mekânın illa bir müellifini 

saptamak s¸art mı? 

Seçil: Katman katman bir yapı 

olarak mahalleye bakmaya 

çalıs¸alım. S¸ahkulu Sokak'ta 

yer alan 1800'lerin sonunda 

ins¸a edilmis¸ Rigo apartmanı, 

avlusu ve geçidi ile kendisine 

o dönemin kos¸ulları ve 

ihtiyaçları gereg˘i is¸levler 

belirlemis¸. Bu mahallenin 

mimarisi üzerinde, 1970'ler- 

den bu yana göçlerle birlikte 

olus¸an bir sürü geçici kulla- 

nım var. Bu bölgede sürek- 

li is¸lev deg˘is¸tiren, kentin 

sonsuz isteklerine cevap 

veren yapı adaları üstüste, 

çakıs¸arak, yeni durumlar 

yaratarak varoluyorlar. 

Sürekli deg˘is¸en avlu, kapa- 

tılan teraslar, kestirmeden 

eve ulas¸mak ve mahalleye 

hakim olabilmek için konmus¸ 

demir merdiven, küçük bir 

evin mutfak ihtiyacı için 

kapatılarak dönüs¸türülmüs¸ 

bir alan olan "balkonmutfak," 

camdan cama çamas¸ır 

ipleri gibi ödünç alınan 

durum ve tavırlar bunun örne- 

kleri. 18 

Özge: Mahalleye müdahale 

etmedig˘imiz, oraya bir sanat 

yapıtı eklemedig˘imiz sürece, 

pek de müellif oldug˘umuzdan 

bahsedemeyiz belki de. Orada 

olup biten canlı deneyim 

üzerine kuruluyor, bu noktada 

da kim müellif kim deg˘il 

sorusu biraz birbirine giri- 

yor. Oda Projesi'nin müellif 

oldug˘u nokta bunun bir sanat 

projesi oldug˘unu iddia ettig˘i 

nokta, ister mahallede olsun, 

ister galeride. Ama aslında 

biz bu bir sanat projesidir 

de demiyoruz tam olarak, "bu 

bir sanat projesi önerisidir" 

diyoruz. Yas¸anmıs¸ deneyim 

bunu söylemeye zorluyor, yani 

gündelik yas¸amda katı tanım- 

lar ve keskin sınırlar 

olmadıg˘ı sürece bu bir öneri 

olarak kalıyor. 

Derya: Bu noktada yine 

mekânın üretiminden bahsede- 

biliriz. Bu üretimde, 

özellikle I ˙ stanbul örneg˘inde, 

kimin neyin müellifi oldug˘u 

meselesi çok karıs¸ık. Niha- 

yetinde karmas¸ık tekillikler- 

den olus¸an ve illa ki 

birles¸ik ve uyumlu olmayan 

bir çokluk olarak s¸ehirde 

yas¸ayanların hepsinin bir 

ucundan katıldıg˘ı "metropolün 

ortak mekânının üretimi" 

diye tarif edilebilir mi bu? 19 

Benim mekânın suiistimal 

18 

2006 yılında 

gerçekles¸tirilen bu 

söyles¸iden bu yana 

geçen bes¸ senede 

mahallede birçok 

deg˘is¸im gerçekles¸ti. 

Dıs¸ cepheler boyandı, 

avlu yenilendi ve 

geçis¸e kapatıldı, 

iki s¸ifreli kapı ile 

Rigo apartman 

blog˘unun "güvenlig˘i" 

sag˘landı. Avlu 

etrafındaki dairelerin 

bazılarında tadilat 

yapıldı ve bunlar 

apart otel olarak 

is¸letiliyor. Artık 

Galata popüler medy- 

ada s¸ehrin en 

"çekici" yerlerinden 

biri olarak anılıyor. 

19 

Burada Antonio Negri' 

nin s¸u makalesini 

düs¸ünüyorum: "The 

Multitude and the 

Metropolis" (2002) 

Posse [I ˙ ngilizce 

çev. Arianna Bove, 

http://www.gene 

ration-online.org/t/ 

metropolis.htm].


deg˘eri dedig˘im s¸ey de tam bu noktada beliriyor: I ˙ stanbul' 

da mekânın suiistimal deg˘erinin aktifles¸tirilmesi s¸ehir 

mekânının üretiminde çok önemli bir rol oynuyor. Bu aktif- 

les¸tirme üzerine kurulu olan mekân üretim biçimi I ˙ stanbul'da 

uzun zamandır hakim üretim biçimi diyebilir miyiz? 

Yukarıda bahsettig˘im büyük ölçekli kentsel yenileme 

projelerini hatırlayarak soruyorum: bunlara yatırım yapan 

büyük sermaye, sözkonusu suiistimale dayalı hakim mekân 

üretim biçimini nasıl deg˘is¸tiriyor, deg˘is¸tirecek? 

Seçil: "Mekânın suiistimal deg˘erinin aktifles¸tirilmesi" 

demek kulag˘a güzel geliyor ama burada bir çelis¸ki var. 

Böyle bir cümle kurdug˘umuz zaman mekânın, bildig˘imiz 

anlamda "tutucu," "is¸levsel" kullanımlardan üreyen bir 

yapı oldug˘una inanıyoruz demektir. Yani eles¸tirdig˘imiz 

s¸eyi, mekân tanımının içine sokmus¸ oluyoruz. Oysa ki mekân 

dedig˘imiz s¸ey zaten buna sahip, yani bu ayrıca bir deg˘er 

deg˘il. 

Derya: O senin bahsettig˘in bana göre mekânın üretiminin 

kapitalist tanımı. Veya hakim, kural tes¸kil eden (nor- 

mative) bir tanımdan veya tanımlardan sözedilebilir. 

Hiçbir zaman en ideal haliyle hayata geçirilememis¸ veya 

geçirilemez de olsa, buna inanmıyor, kabul etmiyor olsak 

da var bu tanımlar. Yoksayamayız. Varoldug˘unu bilmek 

ise eles¸tirmeye ya da alternatifini düs¸ünmeye engel deg˘il. 

Mekânın suiistimal deg˘eri kavramını tam da bu noktada 

yaratma ihtiyacı duydum, bir alternatif bakıs¸ 

gelis¸tirebilmek için. 

Mimarlıktan s¸ehir planlamasına mekân tasarlama is¸i yapan 

bütün disiplinler, bu türden tutucu tanımlar üzerinden 

ilerliyor. Ben mimarlık okulunda bizatihi bunun eg˘itimini 

gördüm. Bu tanımlarla kars¸ılas¸tıktan kısa bir süre sonra 

s¸üpheye düs¸tüm, çünkü hayat bu tanımlara hiç benzemiyordu. 

Bu tutucu tanımlara uymayan bas¸ka mekân üretimleri 

olabileceg˘ini düs¸ünmeye bas¸ladıktan sonra da zaten iflah 

olmadım! I ˙ nsan böyle bakmaya bas¸layınca zaten halihazırda 

potansiyeller, alternatif pratikler oldug˘unu da görüyor. 

I˙ stanbul bizi alternatif tanımlar düs¸ünmeye zorluyor, çünkü 

kural olus¸turan tanımlar üzerinden I ˙ stanbul'a bakınca 

insan "anlas¸ılmaz, acayip bir s¸ey bu" demekten öteye pek 

gidemiyor. "Yeniden bak!" diyor I ˙ stanbul. I ˙ s¸te bu kural 

olus¸turan tanımların öngördüg˘ü mekânın kullanım ve deg˘is¸im 

deg˘erlerine ben bir de mekânın suiistimal deg˘erini 

ekliyorum ve bakınız I ˙ stanbul diyorum. 

Özge: Aslında Maria Lind'in "Actualisation of Space" ini 20 

de buraya uyarlayabiliriz. Yani aktifles¸tirme ve ayrıca 

sürekli bir güncelles¸tirme (actualisation). Seçil'in geçici 

mekânlar dedig˘i yerlerde bu türden bir süreç yas¸anıyor 

sanki. Oda Projesi bu manada hep kentteki dinamig˘i ödünç 

alıyor. Sürekli güncellenen bir mekânda, yani s¸ehirde, Oda 

da kendi alt mekânını güncelliyor. Bunu da sanat projeleri 

yoluyla yapıyor. Buradan yol çıkarak, kente bir üst mekân, 

Oda'ya da onun alt mekânlarından biri olarak bakabilir 

miyiz? 

Aslında (müelliflik ima eden) bir yazma eyleminden deg˘il, 

bir çeviri eyleminden bahsediyoruz burada bence; mekânın 

çevirisi, ama melez bir dile çevirisi. O ölçüde de 

s¸ekillenebilir bir dil bu, yani "dog˘ru çeviri budur" diyen 

bir dil deg˘il. Sürekli, anlık olarak bile deg˘is¸en durumlara 

uygun çeviriler bunlar, hatta çeviriyi bile bazen yeniden 

çevirmek gerekiyor. 

Seçil: "Actualisation of space" mekânın gerçekles¸tirilmesidir 

bence. Aktifles¸tirme ya da güncelleme deg˘il tam 

olarak. Aktifles¸tirme, durag˘an bir durumu harekete geçirme 

anlamını tas¸ıyor. Güncelleme ise uyarlama anlamında 

da anlas¸ılabilir, ve süreç 

belirtmesi ve bir niyet içer- 

mesi açısından önemlidir. 

I ˙ mza 

Özge: Sanat ve müelliflikle 

ilgili bir de s¸u mesele var: 

Kolektif olarak yani üç kis¸i 

ortak çalıs¸tıg˘ı halde Oda 

Projesi bir imza mıdır yine 

de? 

Seçil: I ˙ mzadır, kaçınılmaz 

olarak. 

Günes¸: Çok ortaklı bir imza. 

Ortakları sürekli deg˘is¸en bir 

ortaklar grubu. 

Derya: Provokatif bir 

soru: Oda Projesi imza atmaya 

bas¸ladıg˘ı anda o imzayı 

(aslında) paylas¸tıg˘ı ortaklarını 

yitiriyor mu? 

Özge: Oda Projesi denen 

bütünün nelerden olus¸tug˘unu 

bir izleyicinin bir çırpıda 

anlayabilmesi imkansız. Ben 

burada mahalledeki projeleri 

Oda Projesi'nin biraz daha 

fazla müellif gibi davrandıg˘ı 

bas¸ka projelerden kesinlikle 

ayırmak gerektig˘ini düs¸ünüyorum. 

Her projeye göre 

deg˘is¸en bir sürü imza var ve 

bunlar sonuçta Oda Projesi 

adı altında toplanılabilir. 

Kolektif çalıs¸tıg˘ımızı dile 

getiriyoruz, demek ki or- 

taklardan bahsedebiliriz. 

Müelliflikten konus¸mak ger- 

çekten biraz bag˘lamı kaydırıyor. 

Sadece sanat bag˘lamı 

içinden bakarak "imzadır" 

demek çok kolay tabii. 

Derya: Bence burada kolektif 

bir müelliflig˘i hayal etme 

çabası önemli. Bu bizi alıs¸ık 

oldug˘umuz anlamda yani birey- 

sel müelliflig˘in bir adım 

ötesine götürüyor. Müellifli- 

g˘in ortaklas¸tıg˘ı ya da bugün- 

kü anlamıyla hiç varolmadıg˘ı 

bir dünya düs¸ünemez miyiz? 

Nihayetinde müelliflig˘in bu- 

günkü tanımı, kapitalizmin 

temellerinin dayalı oldug˘u 

"özel mülkiyet"e göre s¸ekille- 

niyor. 

Seçil: Müelliflik, kaçınılmazdır. 

Ama müelliflig˘i 

sorgulamak ve parçalara 

ayırmak elimizdedir. Hatta 

müelliflik durumunun 

varlıg˘ını yadsımadan onunla 

20 

Maria Lind (2004) 

"Actualisation of 

Space: The Case of 

Oda Projesi" From 

studio to situation, 

Claire Doherty (Der.) 

Black Dog Publishing, 

s. 109-121 veya bkz. 

www.republicart.net/ 

disc/app/lind01_ 

en.htm.


mücadele etmek yeni biçimlere yol açar. Müelliflig˘in 

olmadıg˘ı deg˘il, ama bence sonsuzca tartıs¸ıldıg˘ı bir dünya 

bas¸ka bir dünya olabilir. Tamamen kaldırılması ise 

yeni bas¸ka müellifliklere yol açar. Varlıg˘ını kabul edip 

tartıs¸arak dönüs¸türelim. 

Derya: "Müelliflig˘in sonsuzca tartıs¸ıldıg˘ı bir dünya" 

sanki zaten müelliflig˘in bildig˘imiz dar anlamını yitirdig˘i, 

yeni tariflerinin yapılmaya bas¸landıg˘ı, o tariflerin de 

sorgulandıg˘ı bir dünya olacaktır gibi geliyor bana. 

Müelliflig˘in yasaklandıg˘ı veya zorla ortadan kaldırıldıg˘ı 

bir dünyadan bahsetmiyorum. Bugünkü (kapitalist) manasıyla 

müellif olmanın önemsiz hale geldig˘i bir dünyayı kastediyorum. 

Özge: Oda Projesi aslında müelliflig˘in önemsiz hale 

geldig˘i durumlar yaratıyor diyebilir miyiz? Öte yandan da 

Oda Projesi çerçevesinde müelliflik tartıs¸ması bizi bir 

yere götürmez diye düs¸ünüyorum, çünkü yapılar bunu dikkate 

alarak kurulmuyor. Bu yüzden müelliflik degil çevirmenlikten 

bahsettim aslında. Bence Oda'yı "çeviri" üstünden 

okumak daha faydalı olabilir. Buna bir ortak dilin yaygınlas¸abilir, 

esneyebilir, s¸ekillenebilir hali diyebilir 

miyiz? Çünkü dilsel çevirinin kendisi bile aslında, çok 

düz bakarsak, "yazar Türkçede nasıl yazardı?" diye 

düs¸ünerek yapılan bir s¸ey. Yani o noktada yorum katılabilir, 

o zaman varolan metne/mekâna bag˘lı olan bir müelliflik 

durumunu tartıs¸abiliriz belki. Ama çevirmen aslında iki 

dil arasında bir aracıdır, ki bu da Oda Projesi'nin eyleme 

geçtig˘i durumlardaki konumuna uygun bir s¸ey. Oda Projesi' 

nde dil meselesi de önemli; bu yüzden proje, "dil" üstünden 

de okunmalı diye düs¸ünüyorum. Üçüncü mekân dedig˘imiz s¸ey 

biraz da üçüncü dil demek ne de olsa. 

Çeviri ve Taklit 

Seçil: Özge, çeviri meselesine sen genel olarak çok yer 

veriyorsun, bunu daha somut örneklerle açıklar mısın? Bana 

Oda Projesi'ni sadece tercümanlık üstünden açıklamak fazla 

iyimser bir bakıs¸ gibi geliyor, hatta biraz da olumlayıcı 

bir bakıs¸ gibi... 

Özge: Müelliflik katı bir s¸ey, bitmis¸ bir is¸in altına imza 

atmak yani. Oda Projesi bir niyet ve öneriler dizisinden 

bahsediyor, aynı metnin iki ayrı çevirisi arasındaki fark 

gibi. Bir çevirmen dig˘erinden çok farklı çevirebilir, çünkü 

o, orijinal metnin ikinci bir dildeki önerisidir aslında. 

Çeviri derken onun kendi iç dinamikleriyle de oynamaktan 

bahsediyorum bir yandan. Yani ortak bir dil olus¸turma 

niyetiyle yapılan bir çeviriden bahsediyorum. Çeviriyi de 

tek anlamlı kullanmıyorum. Galata'daki mekânımızın 

bulundug˘u mahalle dıs¸ında yaptıg˘ımız dig˘er uzun süreçli 

projelerde de bulundug˘umuz mahallelerdeki gündelik yas¸amın 

bir çevirisini yapıyorduk aslında. Yani mekânlara bir 

nesne eklemeksizin, orada gündelik hayatta ne yapılıyorsa 

biz de onu yaptık. Mekânın çevirisi de vardı, gündelik 

yas¸amın sanat mekânı içinde yas¸antılanan s¸eye çevirisi de 

vardı. Seçil, çevirinin iyimserlikle ilis¸kisini biraz 

açarsan belki daha iyi anlarım ne demek istedig˘ini... 

Seçil: Oda Projesi çevirmendir demek, bir niyeti süreçten 

sonuca ulas¸tırdıg˘ı için olumlu bir is¸ yapmıs¸tır demek 

gibi geliyor bana. Ben çeviri yerine taklidi önereceg˘im. 

Çeviride müellif olma hali varken, taklitte bir tür tekrar 

ve müellifsizles¸me (de-authorization) hali var diye 

düs¸ünüyorum. Çeviri yapan kendi çevirisini önerir, yeniden 

yazmıs¸tır "orijinal" metni kendi dili ile... Taklit 

"orijinal" kavramı ıs¸ıg˘ında görüldüg˘ünde bir çeviri olarak 

da düs¸ünülebilir; bu anlamda "orijinal"in bir yorumudur. 

Burada bence, kötü bir 

çeviri ihtimalinin gözardı 

edilmis¸ olmasında yatan bir 

olumlayıcılık var, iyimserlikle 

bunu kastediyorum. 

Çeviri "ben böyle görüyorum, 

böyle duyuyorum, bu yüzden 

de böyle dillendiriyorum" 

derken bir tür savunma sag˘- 

lıyor sanki. 

Derya: Bu taklit meselesi 

önemli geliyor bana. Taklidin 

yaratıcılıg˘ından bahsedebilir 

miyiz? Çeviri ile taklidin 

kesis¸tig˘i yerler nereler? 

Çevirinin bir müelliflik so- 

runu olmaktan çok bir 

"aracılık" meselesi oldug˘unu 

düs¸ünüyorum bunu söylerken. 

Yorum ise hem taklitte hem 

de çeviride var sanki. 

Özge: Ben çeviriye kesinlikle 

bir sonuç olarak bakmıyorum, 

o yüzden çeviri diyorum yani 

aynı metni herkes "kendine 

göre" çevirir, ki bu da bir 

"söyleme" halidir. Aslında 

çeviri de bir tür taklittir 

bu anlamda, orijinal metnin 

taklidi. Kötü ya da iyi bu 

noktada ortadan kalkıyor 

zaten, yani ben sanat bag˘lamı 

dıs¸ındaki çeviriye de böyle 

bakıyorum, çevirmenin ruh 

hali bile nasıl "söyledig˘ini" 

etkiler. Derya'nın dedig˘i 

gibi ben de çevirmenin bir 

aracı oldug˘unu düs¸ünüyorum, 

o yüzden Oda Projesi'ne bir 

de çeviri bag˘lamı üzerinden 

bakmak istiyorum. Çeviride 

yorum kesinlikle vardır. 

(Buna bazı görüs¸ler kars¸ı 

çıkacaktır elbette). Çeviri 

hali, her s¸eyi oldug˘u gibi 

algılamaya, katı tanımlamalara 

kars¸ı direnen bir 

tavırdır. 

Derya: Ortaklas¸a üretimden 

bahsediyoruz ama imzayı atan 

nihayetinde is¸in içindeki 

bütün insanlar deg˘il, sanatçı 

(lar) oluyor. Çünkü sanat 

dünyasının içinde yer alıyor, 

onun içinde hareket ediyor 

sanatçı, sanatçı kimlig˘ini 

tas¸ıdıg˘ı sürece. Ama bu bir 

çaresizlik, bir mahkumiyet 

deg˘il belki. Çünkü mesela 

müelliflik üzerine sorular 

ortaya atarak sanat dünyası 

hakkında sorular üretebilirsiniz 

ve bu pekala bir 

tür kurumsal eles¸tiriye 

dönüs¸ebilir. 21 

Özge: Oda Projesi yaratmıs¸ 

oldug˘u ortamlarda farklı 

21 

Burada "kurumsal 

eles¸tiri" derken 

referansım sanat 

dünyasını ve onun 

konvansiyonlarını 

eles¸tirel biçimlerde 

ele alan selfrefleksif 

sanat 

pratikleri. Mesela 

Hans Haacke'nin 

is¸leri buna iyi 

örnek tes¸kil eder.


grupların birbirine geçmesine olanak sag˘lıyor ve kendisini 

yok olmaya bırakıyor diyebilir miyiz? Kurgulanmıs¸ bir 

s¸ey yok, gündelik yas¸am nasıl akıyorsa projeler de öyle 

olus¸uyor. Örneg˘in mahallede bir vefat oldug˘unda radyo 

projesi 22 bir günlüg˘üne duraksıyor, halbuki radyo gibi 

reklam akıs¸ını her ne olursa olsun durdurmaması gereken 

bir yapının duraksaması pek düs¸ünülmez... Ama bu radyo 

durabiliyor, veya yayınını kendi isteg˘iyle deg˘is¸tirebiliyor. 

I ˙ mzaya gelince, izleyicinin olmadıg˘ı durumda imza da 

kendilig˘inden ortadan kalkıyor diye düs¸ünüyorum. Ki bu 

türden ilis¸kisel, canlı, kolektif projelerde, "katılımcı" 

olmayan kis¸iye izleyici diyoruz. 

Seçil: Bence bu durumda da imza ortadan kalkmıyor, kalkamaz 

da. Mesela Oda'da birgün kapsamında Özge'nin evinden bir 

es¸ ya getir ve Günes¸'in Kilitli Oda projelerinde izleyici 

yoktu ama imza vardı. Neden? Çünkü biz onları özgeçmis¸imize 

almaya ve Oda Projesi projeleri demeye karar verdik bir 

kere. Aksi s¸öyle mümkündü "biz bunları yaptık ama 

bunlardan bahsetmiyoruz, özgeçmis¸imize almıyoruz" demek. 

Derya: Bir soru da Kilitli Oda'daki "çocuk emeg˘i" meselesiyle 

ilgili. 23 Orada Nurs¸en'in emeg˘inin sömürülmesi gibi 

bir durumdan bahsedilebilir mi? Bu soru aslında Bishop'un 

Hirschhorn ile Oda Projesi kars¸ılas¸tır-ması çerçevesinde 

de sorulabilir. Bishop aynı s¸eyi, October dergisindeki 

yazısında da Santiago Sierra üzerinden tartıs¸ıyor. 

Bishop'a göre Sierra ve Hirschhorn is¸lerinin katılımcılarına 

para ödedikleri için daha dürüstler. Ona göre Oda 

Projesi'nin de dahil oldug˘u bazı is¸birlig˘ine dayalı sanat 

projeleri ise bunun yerine katılımcıları sürece dahil 

edermis¸ gibi yapıyorlar. Bunu Oda Projesi örneg˘inde tar- 

tıs¸mak için tabii önce I ˙ stanbul'un gündelik hayat kültürünü, 

Galata'da insanların birbiriyle nasıl ilis¸ki 

kurduklarını tartıs¸mak lazım. Nitekim Bishop "Batı'da 

anladıg˘ımız anlamıyla sanatta estetik rejimi"nden bahsediyor. 24 

Yani kendi deyimiyle "Batı" merkezli bir açıdan bakıyor 

ve bu bence onun Oda Projesi örneg˘inde bazı yerele özgü 

durumları görmesine engel oluyor. Ne dersiniz? 

Günes¸: "Çocuk emeg˘i" ile ilgili meseleye bakarsak, olayı 

farklılas¸tıran aslında gündelik olarak deneyimleyip geçip 

gideceg˘in bir s¸eyi tırnak içine alman oluyor sanırım. Ben 

Nurs¸en'le yaptıg˘ım yarım günlük bulus¸manın video kaydını 

alıp paylas¸tıg˘ımda bir tuhaflık olus¸uyor. Nurs¸en bir çocuk 

oldug˘u için durum iyice zorlas¸ıyor. Bu deneyimler geride 

kaldıkları için s¸u an ben bile üzerinde düs¸ünürken bocalıyo- 

rum. Benim için o esnada önemli olan Nurs¸en'le bir paylas¸ım 

ve ona ait geçici bir mekân üretimiydi. Buna rag˘men bu 

video kayıtlarını bas¸kalarıyla paylas¸mıs¸ ve altına Günes¸ 

Savas¸ imzasını atmıs¸ olmayı s¸imdi yadırgıyorum. Ama açıkçası 

bu projeleri yaparkenki asıl niyetim onları özgeçmis¸ime 

koyabilmek deg˘ildi. Aldıg˘ım sanat eg˘itiminin beni buna 

yönlendirmis¸ oldug˘unu s¸imdi dönüp bakınca çıkarsayabiliyorum. 

Aslında o dönem bas¸layan çocuklarla çalıs¸ma ve ilis¸ki 

kurma, birlikte zaman geçirme deneyimi beni çok etkiledi. 

Hâlâ çocuklarla farklı da olsa çalıs¸maya devam ediyorum. 

Ve bu çalıs¸maların bas¸kalarıyla nasıl paylas¸ılacag˘ı halen 

benim için bir soru. Artık imza ile paylas¸mıyorum, ama 

yine de bu soru var. 25 

Oda Projesi'nin imzasına gelince, bence bu daha çok yas¸anan 

deneyimin toparlanıp paylas¸ılması sürecinin bir getirisi 

aslında. Belki bir çes¸it editörlük olarak da bakılabilir. 

Önemli olan bizim gittig˘imiz mekânda, orada yas¸ayanlarla 

aynı niyetle bulunmuyor olus¸umuz. Yeni koms¸ular olarak 

orada bulunanlarla niyetlerimiz farklı oluyor. Bir süreç 

bas¸latıp o süreci paylas¸tıg˘ımız kis¸ilerin de yönlendirme- 

siyle adım adım ilerliyoruz. Ardından bu deneyimleri bas¸ka 

bir ortamda bas¸ka kis¸ilerle 

paylas¸mayı deniyoruz. 

Özge: Bu özgeçmis¸ meselesini 

niye bu kadar önemsiyoruz? 

Ona bir tür günlük, yapıp 

ettiklerimizin bir dökümü 

olarak, yani farklı bakmıyor 

muyuz zaten? Yani o bence 

bütünün bir özeti aslında. 

Çünkü orada Oda Projesi'nin 

en ufak jestinden (bir günlük 

projeler), Venedik Bienali' 

nde yaptıg˘ı Annex 26 gibi 

büyük bir prodüksiyona uzanan 

bir yelpazeyi görünür 

kılıyoruz aslında. Bilgiyi 

paylas¸mak için bir araç 

özgeçmis¸ ve bunun dıs¸ında da 

hiçbir temsiliyeti yok. 

Jest demis¸ken: bunu pek 

tartıs¸madık ama jest önemli 

bir sözcük bence Oda Projesi' 

nde. Oda Projesi jestlerden 

olus¸uyor: mahalleye küçük 

bir ziyaret, kentte gezip 

gördüklerimiz, okuduklarımız, 

hepsi böyle ufak ufak jest- 

ler ve tüm proje bunlardan 

olus¸uyor aslında. Giorgio 

Agamben, jestin basitçe 

estetig˘in deg˘il etig˘in ve 

siyasetin alanına dahil 

oldug˘unu düs¸ünüyor ve s¸öyle 

yazıyor: "Jesti karakterize 

eden, onun içinde hiçbir 

s¸eyin üretilememesi ya da 

canlandırılmaması ama bazı 

s¸eylerin destekleniyor ve 

etkilerini koruyor olmasıdır. 

Bas¸ka bir deyis¸le, jest 

ethos'un sahasına, insana 

ait olana uygun olan sahaya 

açılır." 28 Jest meselesini 

tartıs¸maya devam etmek 

isterim, zira bu imza mese- 

lesini de çözümlüyor 

kanımca. 

Derya: Bu çok ilginç 

bir tespit. Ama sahiden imza 

ortadan kalkıyor mu? I ˙ s¸ 

yapılıp bitirilip sonunda is¸ 

olarak adı anılmaya bas¸landıg˘ı 

andan itibaren imza girmiyor 

mu yine is¸in içine? Oda 

Projesi'ninki gibi "yas¸anan" 

sanat is¸lerinde, süreç esna- 

sında, yani sanat is¸i yapı- 

lırken belki imza ortadan 

kalkıyor, bu dog˘ru, ama is¸in 

adı konup da özgeçmis¸inize 

girmeye, Bishop ve dig˘erlerinin 

yazılarına konu olmaya 

bas¸ladıg˘ı noktada imzanın 

hayaleti tekrar ortaya 

çıkmıyor mu? 

Özge: Evet, Oda Projesi bir 

isimdir, ve isim oldug˘u 

22 

Radyo projesi 

"101.7 EFEM", 19 

S¸ubat-16 Mart 2005 

tarihlerinde, Oda 

Projesi mekânından 

ayrılmadan önce 

gerçekles¸tirilen 

son projedir. 

Sanatçı Matthieu 

Pratt ile 

is¸birlig˘i içinde 

Oda Projesi mekânı 

bir aylıg˘ına radyo 

stüdyosuna 

dönüs¸türüldü ve ana 

teması mahallenin 

dönüs¸ümü ve 

mutenalas¸ması olan 

bir radyo yayını 

tasarlandı. 

Bu yayını, sadece 

sokag˘ın sakinleri 

ve özel olarak 

radyo yayını için 

mekâna gelenler 

dinleyebiliyordu. 

23 

Bu sorun da Rachel 

Haidu tarafından 

dile getirilmis¸ti. 

24 

Bishop 2006: 183. 

25 

Yedi senedir özel 

bir anaokulunda 

bana ait küçük bir 

atölyede 2-4 yas¸ 

çocuklarla 

birlikte atık 

malzemeler, 

kumas¸lar, boyalar 

ve pek çok 

farklı malzemeyle 

çalıs¸malar 

yapıyorum. Sınıf 

ög˘retmenlerinden 

ayrı ve sınıftan 

bas¸ka bir ortamda, 

çocuklarla 

birlikte kendimize 

ait objeler 

üretiyoruz. Bu 

çalıs¸maların 

fotog˘raflarının, 

video ve ses 

kayıtlarının 

paylas¸ımını benim 

yönlendiriyor 

olus¸um da kafamda 

sorulara sebep 

oluyor. 

26 

Annex, 50. Venedik 

Bienali, 2003. 

Carlos Basualdo' 

nun küratörlüg˘ünü 

yaptıg˘ı "The 

Structures of 

Survival" sergisi. 

Bu projede Oda 

Projesi, 1999 

Körfez depremi 

sonrasında evini 

kaybetmis¸ ailelere 

verilen prefabrik 

konutlara ek 

olarak ins¸a edilen 

yapılarla ilgili 

bir proje yaptı. 

Bu ek yapılar, tek 

bir prefabrik 

konuta sıg˘mayan 

ailelerin, 

ihtiyaçları 

dog˘rultusunda, 

farklı is¸levler 

için kendi 

kendilerine 

ins¸a ettikleri 

veya birine 

yaptırdıkları, 

daha çok kulübe 

s¸eklindeki mimari 

biçimlerdi. Annex 

projesi kapsamında 

bu mimari 

eklemelerin bir 

dokümantasyonu 

yapıldı ve kart- 

postal formatında 

çog˘altıldı. 

Ayrıca proje 

çerçevesinde, 

deprem bölgesinden 

Venedik'e artık 

kullanılmayan bir 

prefabrik ev 

tas¸ındı ve Annex 

gazetesinin ilk 

sayısı basıldı. 

28 

Giorgio Agamben 

(2000) Means 

Without end: Notes 

on Politics Minnea- 

polis: university 

of Minnesota 

Press, s. 57.


sürece imzadan bahsetmek zorundayız. Bu da sanatın içinde 

hareket ediyor olmanın bir sonucu aslında. Ama imzayla 

oynamak, onu kaydırmak hem mümkün hem önemli. Bu imzanın 

atıldıg˘ı yerler deg˘is¸ebildig˘i sürece imza da esnek 

kılınabilir sanki. Mesela Oda Projesi kimi zaman gazete 

çıkarıyor, kimi zaman radyocu gibi davranıyor, kimi zaman 

bir sanat sergisinin etiketinde yer alıyor. 

Günes¸: I ˙ mzanın anlamları üstünde ne kadar yog˘unlas¸ırsak 

yog˘unlas¸alım, neticede biz üç kis¸i olarak Oda Projesi 

adında birles¸ip bas¸kalarıyla birlikte bir üretim sürecine 

giriyoruz ve süreci Oda Projesi adıyla paylas¸ıyoruz. 

Veya bas¸ka bir sürece Oda Projesi olarak davet ediliyoruz. 

Katılımcıların adları her zaman paylas¸ılıyor ama bir 

sonraki maceraya biz yine üç kis¸i olarak davet ediliyoruz. 

Yani imzanın kalkması mümkün deg˘il. Ama imzasını ve 

tavrını sürekli korumaya çalıs¸mak sanırım bizim gibi bir 

olus¸umun büyük bir sorunu olurdu. Oda Projesi kesin bir 

tarz ve tavır deg˘il. Burada Özge'nin dedig˘i gibi farklı 

alanlarda imzayı paylas¸arak, çog˘u projede bas¸kalarıyla 

imzamızı ortak atarak imzanın ag˘ırlıg˘ıyla da bir s¸ekilde 

bas¸ etmeye çalıs¸ıyoruz. 

Özge: I ˙ mza ortadan kalkmalı demiyorum ama bunun izleyici 

ile de ilis¸kili oldug˘unu söylemeye çalıs¸ıyorum. Yani onu 

izleyen biri oldug˘unda imzanın bir anlamı var. Yani olayın 

gercekles¸tig˘i an, izleyen kimse yoksa, imzaya da gerek 

yoktur demek istedim. Ama o an önemli is¸te. Biz o projeleri 

yaparken, izleyen ya da dıs¸arıdan katılan biri olsaydı o 

proje çok farklı bir proje olurdu. Yani video kaydı yapmak 

farklı bir s¸ey, çünkü onu kullanıp kullanmama kararı sana 

kalmıs¸, ölü ars¸iv olarak deg˘erlendirmek her zaman mümkün. 

Bu bir tiyatro ya da gösteri deg˘il, bunu demek istiyorum: 

ya hep birlikte izleyici oluruz, ya da olmayız... Yaptıg˘ımız 

bir günlük projeler çok yüz yüze ve iç içe bir 

ilis¸kiyi gerektiren projelerdi, özel yas¸ama yakın olan, 

onu taklit eden s¸eylerdi. Yani evinden es¸ya getirmek, 

birinin dog˘umgününü kutlamak gibi... Orada yog˘un ilis¸kinin 

yas¸andıg˘ı bir anda izleyicinin olmaması daha sag˘lıklı 

bir ilis¸kinin olus¸masını sag˘lıyor demek istedim. I ˙ s¸te belki 

de bu "paylas¸ma" meselesine geliyor yine. Sanat ortamı, 

bunları paylas¸abileceg˘imiz bir mekân aslında. Demokratik 

oldug˘unu düs¸ündüg˘ümüz ya da öyle olmasını istedig˘imiz, 

öyle olması gerektig˘ini düs¸ündüg˘ümüz bir alan. 

Derya: Sanatın izlenen, seyredilen, bakılan, yani "göze 

hitabeden," görsellig˘e dayalı bir s¸ey olagelmesi, bunun 

sebepleri ve bunun etrafında s¸ekillenen sorular da önemli. 

Kavramsal sanat bile, görme dıs¸ındaki duyulara hitap ettig˘i 

halde, yas¸anan bir s¸ey haline gelemiyor. Buradan da tabii 

sanat tarihindeki sanat-hayat ilis¸kisine dair tartıs¸malara, 

Dadaizm'e, Fluxus'a bag˘lanabiliriz. 

Özge: Peki sen Oda Projesi'nin yaptıklarını "kavramsal 

sanat" olarak mı deg˘erlendiriyorsun? Oda bir proje önerisi- 

dir deyince kavramsallas¸ıyor, bu dog˘ru. Bu aslında benim 

de aklımı kurcalayan bir soru. Bir yandan sosyal sanat 

kategorizasyonları da 29 çok sınırlayıcı. Oda Projesi kesin- 

likle bag˘lı oldug˘u yerelliklerden koparılmadan düs¸ünülmeli. 

Yani belki de kendisi bas¸lı bas¸ına bir kategoridir. Yani 

belki de çes¸itli olus¸umlara bu gözle bakmalıyız. Örneg˘in, 

Hafriyat'ı ya da HaZaVuZu'yu hangi kategoriye koyabiliriz? 

Oda Projesi vakasında müelliflik meselesini sanat yapıtı 

ve izleyici üzerinden tartıs¸maya açabiliriz gibi geliyor 

bana. Oda Projesi türünden grupların projelerini "dıs¸arıdan" 

izliyor olmanın yarattıg˘ı sorunları tartıs¸abiliriz. 

Bu yüzden aslında çabamız galiba daha çok yüzyüze gelmek. 

Mesela Tensta'da 30 yaptıg˘ımız gibi, sanatçının fiziksel 

olarak is¸inin bas¸ında durması ve ziyaretçilerle birebir 

ilgilenmesi, zihinsel anlamda 

is¸e katılım sag˘lamaya 

çabalaması gibi taktikler 

önem kazanıyor. Yani müellif 

ya da yazar olmaktan çok 

"konus¸an" olmak… 

Derya: Bu bizi "öteki"ni 

dinlemek yerine "öteki"yle 

konus¸mayı önerme noktasına 

mı getiriyor? Yoksulluk 

Halleri kitabında da bahsi 

geçiyordu bunun. 31 

Sunum 

Özge: Bir de Spivak'ın "Can 

the subaltern speak?" metnine 

bakalım. 32 Bu metinde Spivak, 

Deleuze'ü temsil (representation) 

kavramını tek anlamda 

kullandıg˘ı için eles¸tiriyor. 

Bunu, Deleuze'ün, "Bir teori 

tıpkı bir alet edevat kutusu 

gibidir. Göstereniyle hiçbir 

ilgisi yoktur." ve ayrıca 

"Artık temsilden bahsede- 

meyiz; sadece eylem söz kon- 

usudur" 33 sözlerine kars¸ılık 

yapıyor. S¸öyle bir ayrım 

yapıyor Spivak: "Temsilin 

iki anlamı bir arada is¸ler: 

politikada oldug˘u gibi '... 

adına konus¸mak' ve sanat ya 

da felsefede oldug˘u gibi '... 

için konus¸mak'. Teori de 

sadece bir 'eylem' oldug˘undan, 

teorisyen ezilmis¸ grubu 

temsil etmez (onlar adına 

konus¸maz). Aslında özne, 

tipik bir bilinçlilik örneg˘i 

(gerçeklig˘i layıg˘ıyla yeni- 

den sunan kis¸i) olarak görül- 

mez". Yani aslında mesele 

biraz da buradan bas¸lıyor, 

Oda Projesi bu iki ayrımın 

neresinde duruyor? Yani 

temsilci degiliz, peki yeni- 

den mi sunuyoruz? 

Günes¸: Bu çok önemli bir 

soru. Yeniden sunmak yeni bir 

öneride bulunmak mı? Bir 

örnek üzerinden gitmeye çalı- 

s¸acag˘ım, mesela radyo pro- 

jesi. 34 Radyo bir iletis¸im 

aracıdır en basit anlamıyla. 

Peki Oda Projesi bu iletis¸im 

aracını kendisine göre tekrar 

yorumlayıp sunarken, mesela 

özellikle parazitler, bozuk 

seslerden de olus¸an ses 

kolajları hazırlarken, yeni 

bir radyo metodu mu öneriyor 

yoksa sadece metodları deg˘is¸- 

tirerek imkânların 

çoklug˘uyla ilgili düs¸ünmeye 

mi çalıs¸ıyor? 

29 

Bkz. http://www. 



01 _en.htm 

30 

Proje4l adlı 

proje. 17 Ag˘ustos 

– 24 Ekim 2004. 

Tensta Konsthall, 

Stokholm, I ˙ sveç. 

Küratörler: Ylva 

Ogland, Rodrigo 

Mallea Lira ve 

Jelena Rundqvist. 

11 Eylül 2004'te, 

Oda Projesi yeni 

Tensta Konsthall' 

in açılıs¸ını 

yaptı. Mekân kısa 

bir sürelig˘ine 

kapanmıs¸tı. Hem 

mekâna hem 

de mahalleye henüz 

yabancı olan Oda 

Projesi ilk önce, 

mahallenin 

dinamiklerini 

yakalamayı, Tensta 

hakkında bilgi 

edinmeyi ve sanat 

mekânını araç 

olarak kullanıp 

yeni bir enerji 

yaratmayı denedi. 

Tensta, bes¸ katlı 

bloklarda çocuklu 

göçmen ailelerin 

yas¸adıg˘ı, Stokholm 

kentinin dıs¸ın- 

daki bir banliyö 

mahallesi. Pro- 

jenin adı, I ˙ stan- 

bul' da Gültepe'de 

bulunan ve 2004 

yılında kapanan 

Proje4L I ˙ stanbul 

Güncel Sanat 

Müzesi'ne gönderme 

yapıyor, müzenin 

ölümsüz ruhu için 

yeni bir altlık 

gibi olan Tensta 

Konsthall'e is¸aret 

ediyordu. Oda Pro- 

jesi proje süresi 

boyunca Tensta'da 

ikamet etti ve ilk 

adım olarak sergi 

alanında bir dizi 

çalıs¸ma adası 

yarattı. Her bir 

ada Tensta'daki 

belirli bir mekâna 

is¸aret ediyordu ve 

bu adalarda 

çes¸itli projeler 

yürütüldü. 

Bu adalar, tekabül 

ettikleri mekân 

planının izdüs¸ümü 

olarak ve sarı 

bir renkle 

belirlenmis¸lerdi. 

Kütüphane, alıs¸- 

veris¸ merkezi, 

kadın merkezi, 

okul, spor salonu 

gibi adalar vardı. 

Mekândaki 

adalardan biri 

Oda Projesi'nin 

Galata'daki 

apartman dairesi- 

nin yerini tutu- 

yordu. Dig˘er proje 

adalarının aksine 

burası, daha 

retrospektif bir 

yaklas¸ımla, Oda 

Projesi'nin daha 

önce yaptıg˘ı pro- 

jelerin dokümanları, 

malzemeler 

ve katalogların 

gösterildig˘i bir 

alandı. 

31 

Necmi Erdog˘an 

(2002) (Der.) 

Yoksulluk Halleri: 

Türkiye'de Kent 

Yoksullug˘unun 

Toplumsal 

Görünümleri 

I ˙ stanbul: Demo- 

krasi Kitaplıg˘ı. 

32 

Gayatri 

Chakravorty Spivak 

(1994) "Can the 

subaltern speak?" 

colonial Discourse 

and Post-colonial 

Theory: A Reader, 

Patrick Williams 

and Laura Chrisman 

(eds.), New York: 

Columbia Uni- 

versity Press. 

33 

Bkz. 

"Intellectuals 

& Power" 

(A conversation 

between Michel 

Foucault and 

Gilles Deleuze) 

Donald F. Bouchard 

(1977) language, 

counter-Memory, 

Practice: selected 

essays and inter- 

views by Michel 

Foucault içinde, 

Cornell University 

Press, s. 205. 

34 

Bkz. yukarıdaki 22 

numaralı dipnot.


Özge: Yeniden sunmanın içinde yepyeni bir öneri yoktur 

aslında. Yeniden sunmayı ben, varolan bir s¸eyi alıp, 

kesinlikle bozmak deg˘il ama mekâna ve duruma göre yeniden 

s¸ekillendirip tekrar sunmak olarak düs¸ünüyorum. Radyo 

durumunda da bu böyle, yani s¸u daha dog˘ru: Oda burada 

metodları deg˘is¸tirerek imkânların çoklug˘uyla ilgili 

düs¸ünmeye çalıs¸ıyor. 

Seçil: Temsili ortadan kaldırma çabası ya da niyeti ve 

bunu "eylem" ile sonlandırmak önemli. Yoksa bana sonsuz 

olasılıkların içinde, içinde bulundug˘umuz çag˘ı tekrar 

ederek, içerden eles¸tiri yapalım ya da yeniden okuyalım 

derken kolayca çag˘ın söyleminin girdabına yakalanabiliriz 

gibi de geliyor. Bu keyifli tabii ama tehlikeli! Sunmaktan 

kurtulmak gerekiyor diye düs¸ünüyorum. Bu anlamda yeniden 

sunmak da pek farklı gelmiyor bana. 

Oda Projesi bas¸ından beri ilis¸ki modelleri üzerine 

düs¸ünüyor. (Yeniden) sunumsuz bir üretim mümkün deg˘il mi? 

Bu biraz da kendini içerden yokeden bir tavır aslında; 

yani sıfırlanarak yeniden bas¸layabilir miyiz? 

Özge: "Sunumsuz"la neyi kastettig˘ine bag˘lı. Ben sunumu çok 

basit anlamıyla ele alıyorum. Yani Oda Projesi bir s¸eyleri 

"görünür kılıyor"sa, bir s¸eyleri sunuyor demektir. Bence 

mesele, pazarlamanın yönetimi altındaki "gösteri"ye 

kars¸ı nasıl bir tavır alabileceg˘imizle ilgili. Yani bizim 

gösterimiz bu "gösteri"nin neresinde duruyor, ya da 

durmuyor? 

Ama temsiliyet kötü bir s¸ey deg˘il, yani daha önce 

de dedig˘im gibi etrafı gördüg˘ümüz sürece, örneg˘in kentle 

ilgilendig˘imiz sürece temsiliyetlerin bombardımanı 

altındayız. Onlara birer "gösterge" olarak baktıg˘ımızda 

belki de temsiliyetin durag˘anlıg˘ından ya da sürekli tek 

bir katmana is¸aret ediyor olus¸undan kurtuluruz. 

Ya da belki Barthes'ın tespit ettig˘i s¸u duruma bir kars¸ı 

durus¸ olabilir mi? Barthes s¸öyle diyor: "Oysa çok uzun 

zamandan beri, belki de tüm klasik kapitalist dönem 

boyunca, yani 16. yüzyıldan 19. yüzyıla kadar Fransa'da 

dilin tartıs¸masız sahipleri yalnızca ve yalnızca yazarlardı; 

vaizleri ve hukukçuları saymazsak, onlar da zaten 

meslek dillerinin içine kapanıp kalmıs¸lardı, bas¸ka kimse 

konus¸mazdı; ve bu tür dil tekelcilig˘i, s¸as¸ılacak derecede 

katı bir düzen, üretenlerden çok üretim getiriyordu: 

yapılanmıs¸ olan edebiyat mesleg˘i deg˘ildi (üç yüz yıl 

boyunca evcil s¸airden, yazar is¸adamına dog˘ru çok deg˘is¸me 

oldu)…" 35 

Mekânın suiistimal deg˘eri 

Derya: Yine benim önerdig˘im mekânın suiistimal deg˘eri 

kavramına bas¸vurmak gerekirse, Oda Projesi mekânı suiistimal 

ediyor diyebilir miyiz? Negatif anlamda olmamak 

kos¸uluyla mekânı "yanlıs¸" kullanarak, veya tarif edildig˘i 

biçimlerin dıs¸ında kullanım yolları arayarak onu eg˘ip 

büküyor, dönüs¸türüyor, mekânın potansiyellerini hem görünür 

kılıyor hem de gerçekles¸tiriyor. I ˙ s¸te mekânın müellifi 

sorusu bu suiistimal noktasında tartıs¸maya açılmıs¸ oluyor. 

Oda Projesi'nin projelerine katılan herkes mekân yapar 

hale geliyor. Mekân yapmak konusunda otorite sahibi oldug˘u 

varsayılan uzmanların statüsü de böylece sorgulanır hale 

geliyor. Yani ben aslında sanata bakarak mekân üzerine bir 

söz söylemeye çalıs¸ıyorum. Sanat ve müelliflik ile mekân 

ve müelliflik ilis¸kilerinin kesis¸tig˘i yerler nereler, Oda 

Projesi'nin is¸lerinde? 

Özge: Belki Oda Projesi'nin nasıl bas¸ladıg˘ına bakabiliriz. 

"Tasarlanmıs¸" mekânın, etrafındaki gündelik yas¸amın etki- 

siyle nasıl "is¸lemedig˘ine" 

ve nasıl dönüs¸tüg˘üne bakmalı 

belki de ilkin. Yani 

I ˙ stanbul gibi bir s¸ehirde 

mekânların nasıl dönüs¸- 

tüg˘üyle paralel giden bir 

süreç bu. Süreç demis¸ken 

belki de bu soruya "zaman" 

boyutunu da eklemek 

gerekiyor, öncelikle Gwangju 

Bienali küratörlerinin 

gelis¸tirmis¸ oldug˘u "pause" 

kavramına bakmak iyi 

olabilir. 36 Yani bu türden 

ilis¸kisel projelerin zamanı 

durdurmasıyla ilgili bir 

kavram. Geçmis¸ (resmî tarih) 

veya gelecek (ülküler) 

yüceltmesine kars¸ılık, s¸im- 

diki zamana bakmakla ilgili 

bir s¸ey. Yas¸antılanan 

zamanın veya mekânın içinde 

bir durup bakmak (bu aynı 

zamanda zihinsel bir süreç), 

bir delik açmakla ilgili. 

Bunu da etrafındaki kis¸iler 

ve olus¸umlarla birlikte 

yapmak tabii ki, çünkü 

dig˘eri zaten dog˘al olarak 

kendi kendimize yaptıg˘ımız 

bir s¸ey. 

Aslında bu noktada Oda 

Projesi'nin bir de bellek 

tutmak gibi bir rolü var; 

yani bir yandan da paradoksal 

bir biçimde kırılgan 

olanı, yıkılacak veya kısa 

ömürlü olanı belgelemeye 

çalıs¸ıyoruz. Zaman boyutu bu 

anlamda da önemli. "Kayıp 

zaman" gibi deg˘il de "yakalanan 

zaman" gibi... 

Derya: Zaman boyutu bence 

de çok önemli. Mekânın 

yanına zamanı, yani tarihi 

de koymak. Ama ben bunu 

s¸imdilik bir kenara bırakıp 

Bishop'a dönmek istiyorum. 

Oda Projesi politik olarak 

angaje olma meselesine nasıl 

bakıyor? Bishop'un söyledig˘i 

anlamda aktivist mi Oda 

Projesi? Bu anlamda Oda Pro- 

jesi'nin is¸lerinin birer 

direnis¸ jesti oldug˘u söylene- 

bilir mi? Eg˘er bir direnis¸ten 

bahsedilebilirse, bu nasıl 

bir direnis¸ ve neye direnis¸? 

Bir "kars¸ı" olma halini 

içeriyor mu, ve eg˘er öyleyse, 

neye kars¸ı? 

Özge: Aslında ilk direnis¸, 

I ˙ stanbul'da, yani yas¸adı- 

g˘ımız ve yakından ilgilendig˘imiz 

s¸ehirde kendi- 

mize ait bir mekânımızın 

olmasıyla bas¸ladı. Ama bu 

bilinçli bir direnme 

35 

Roland Barthes'ın 

Yazarlar 

ve Yazanlar adlı 

kitabından aynı 

bas¸lıklı makale, 

Ekin Yayınevi, 

1995. 

36 

Oda Projesi'nin 

bulundug˘u 

mahalleden çıkarak 

ilk kez bas¸ka bir 

ülke ve bag˘lamdaki 

bir sergiye 

katılması Gwangju 

Bienali ile oldu. 

("Hareketli Oda," 

IV. Gwangju 

Bienali, 29 Mart 

– 29 Haziran 2002, 

Güney Kore). 

Charles Esche 

ve Hou Hanru'nun 

küratörlüg˘ünü 

yaptıg˘ı IV. 

Gwangju Bienali, 

dünyadaki birçok 

sanat kolektifinin 

çalıs¸ma biçimlerini 

görünür kıldıg˘ı 

bir bölüme sahipti. 

Bu alt sergide, 

kolektiflerin 

mekânları birebir 

ölçekte yeniden 

ins¸a edilmis¸ti. 

Oda Projesi'nin üç 

odası da burada 

yeniden is¸levlendirildi, 

çes¸itli 

proje dokümanları 

sunuldu ve 

çevredeki özel 

ilkokulların 

ög˘rencileri 

ve ög˘retmenleriyle 

is¸birlig˘i 

içinde çes¸itli 

atölye çalıs¸maları 

yapıldı.


deg˘ildi. Zaman içinde, sanatın içinde hareket etmeye 

bas¸layınca, atölyesine kapanmıs¸, bir sergiden davet 

gelmedig˘i sürece is¸ üretmeyen sanatçı modeline benzemedig˘imizi 

farkettik. Galata'da o mekânda bulunmanın bizim 

için önemli oldug˘unu düs¸ündük. Orada istedig˘imiz zaman, 

aklımızdaki bir projeyi hayata geçirebiliyor olmak 

önemliydi. Ama sonraları Oda Projesi de s¸ekil deg˘is¸tirdi 

elbette. Bu noktada is¸te "inisiyatif" alıyor olmak da 

önemli. 

I ˙ kinci direnis¸ de aslında her tür tepeden inme tanımın/ 

talebin dıs¸ında üretebiliyor olma haliydi. Makroya kars¸ı 

bir direnis¸i ancak mikro durumları, ilis¸kileri aras¸tıra- 

rak, onların dinamig˘ine bakarak yakalayabiliriz. 

Seçil: Ben direnmenin Oda Projesi tarafından kasıtlı ve 

taktik gelis¸tirerek yapıldıg˘ını deg˘il, projenin sonradan 

böyle okundug˘unu düs¸ünüyorum. Direnme jestleri yaratıyoruz, 

diyebiliriz. Ama "önce buna, sonra buna direndik" diyemem 

ben. Direnme bir süreçtir, içinde gerilim ve çatıs¸ma 

vardır, kazanılmıs¸ alanlar kadar kaybedilmis¸ alanlar da 

vardır. Direnmede taraflar birbirinin varlıg˘ını hisseder, 

bu anlamda dog˘ar direnis¸. Direnme, salt bir kars¸ı koyus¸tan 

öte bir s¸eydir, "yeni alanlar" yaratır. Ve direnmenin 

süreklilig˘i vardır. 

Günes¸: Bas¸langıç noktasında proje bir direnis¸ten çok bir 

meraktı benim için. I ˙ stanbul'un merkezinde ama çöküntü 

alanı olarak görülen bir mahallede kendine bir alan yarat- 

mak ve bu alanı zamanla bir direnis¸ alanına çevirmek söz 

konusuydu. Ben de bu "direnis¸"i sonradan yorumladıg˘ımızı 

düs¸ünüyorum. Tamam kocaman bir sisteme kars¸ı kendine 

ait bir "sanat mekânı" açmak üstelik bunu cep harçlıg˘ı 

gibi küçük bütçelerle kotarmak kendi bas¸ına bir direnme 

hali. Ancak biz bunu hiç bir zaman sisteme meydan okuma 

olarak yapmadık ya da ben bu grubun üyesi olarak böyle 

düs¸ünmedim. 

Estetik-Etik 

Derya: Yine Bishop'un deg˘indig˘i noktalardan hareketle s¸unu 

sormak istiyorum: Oda Projesi estetik ile etik arasındaki 

ilis¸kiyi nasıl görüyor? Estetig˘e nasıl yaklas¸ıyor? Bishop' 

un dedig˘i gibi estetig˘i etig˘e kurban mı ediyor? Oda Projesi' 

nin is¸lerinde estetikle etik ne gibi roller oynuyor ve 

nerelerde, ne s¸ekillerde beliriyor? 

Özge: Evet, Bourriaud'nun I ˙ lis¸kisel estetik'i 37 de eles¸tirilmis¸ti. 

Burada belki estetize etmenin risklerinden 

biraz bahsetmek gerekiyor. Mesela I ˙ stanbul, bildik "güzel" 

anlamında "estetik" olmayan bir kent, ama estetize 

edilmeye çalıs¸ılıyor. 

Estetik düs¸üncesinin ardında hep bir estetize etme 

eyleminin bulunuyor olus¸u biraz rahatsız ediyor beni. Oda 

Projesi, estetik ya da deg˘il, bir "görünümler" dizisi 

yaratıyor diye düs¸ünüyorum ben. "Birlikte ne yapılabilir" 

in olası bir görünümü, mikro düzenekler, vs. Görünüm 

derken sadece görsel boyutunu kastetmiyorum tabii is¸in. 

Estetik üzerinden düs¸ünmeden projeleri gerçekles¸tirmek 

diyebileceg˘imiz bir yaklas¸ımdan bahsediyorum. 

Aslında etik de böyle. Biz bir projenin sanatsal anlamdaki 

"bas¸arı"sını ya da "bas¸arısızlıg˘ı"nı düs¸ünmeden hareket 

ediyoruz. Gündelik yas¸amla dog˘ru orantılı gittig˘imiz için 

aslında kendi kis¸isel etik yaklas¸ımlarımızla hareket 

ediyoruz. Zaten bu etiktir s¸u deg˘ildir gibi bas¸tan bir 

kural koydug˘unda, kars¸ındakini hemen ötekiles¸tirmis¸ 

oluyorsun. Ama kars¸ındakini deneyim paylas¸abileceg˘in biri 

olarak görürsen o noktada 

o ilis¸kinin kendine özgü bir 

etig˘i olus¸uyor. 

Bir de tersinden düs¸ünmekte 

fayda var: biz tabii birta- 

kım ürünler de yaptık ve 

bunların estetikle ilis¸kisi 

oldug˘unu gözardı edemeyiz. 

Zaten estetik olan illa 

ki "kötü" de deg˘il. Ama Oda 

Projesi'nin is¸lerinde estetik 

bir yapıdan bahsedemeyiz 

diyorum çünkü Oda Projesi' 

nin amacı bu deg˘il. Yani 

estetik amaçlanan bir 

S¸ey gibi geliyor; ve bizim 

üretim biçimimiz bunu 

amaçlamıyor: risk alarak 

üretiyoruz, bir yapıtın 

nasıl biteceg˘ine en bas¸ından 

karar vermemis¸ oluyoruz. 

Ahâli 

Derya: Yine bas¸ta bahsettig˘im 

Bishop eles¸tirilerine 

dönmek ve s¸unu sormak 

istiyorum: Oda Projesi'nin 

projelerinde mahalle 

ahâlisine yaklas¸ımı nasıl? 

Ahâliyi muktedir kılmak 

(community empowerment) gibi 

bir derdi var mı? Bu soru 

beraberinde, Oda Projesi'nin 

is¸lerinde öznellig˘in neye 

tekabül ettig˘i sorusunu da 

getiriyor. Mahallede mesela, 

Bishop'un da bahsettig˘i ben 

ve benden farklı olan "öteki" 

ayrımı ne kadar geçerli? 

Özge: I ˙ s¸te sorun tam burada 

aslında. Christian Kravagna 

da "bas¸kalarıyla çalıs¸- 

mak" dedig˘i bir yaklas¸ımından 

bahsediyor. 38 Ben böyle 

yaklas¸manın sorun olus¸tur- 

dug˘unu düs¸ünüyorum. Oda Pro- 

jesi için kime koms¸u olundug˘u 

önemli oldu her zaman. Ahâli 

de bu anlamda aynı mekânı 

paylas¸an insanlara denk düs¸ü- 

yor. Mekânsal ortaklıktan 

bahsedersek, mekânı paylasan 

kis¸iler olarak Oda Projesi 

de bu ahâlinin içinde yer 

alıyor. Bu durumda belli bir 

hedef kitleden bahsedemeyiz, 

ama yine de "Oda Projesi 

s¸u tür gruplarla çalıs¸ır" 

gibi bir etikete de maruz 

kalıyoruz çog˘u zaman. Burada 

Oda Projesi'ne özgü ahâli 

tanımını mekân üstünden 

yeniden düs¸ünmek gerek diye 

düs¸ünüyorum. Yani ortak bir 

mekânı paylas¸anlar cemaattir, 

ahâlidir, çünkü yas¸am mekâna 

37 

Nicolas Bourriaud 

(2005) I ˙ lis¸ kisel 

estetik, Bag˘lam 

Yayınları. 

38 

Bkz. http://www. 



01_en.htm


göre s¸ekillenir ve sonra mekân da yas¸ama göre s¸ekillenir. 

Koms¸uluk paylas¸ımı önemli, ancak o zaman mübadeleden 

bahsedebiliriz. Deneyimlerimiz farklı tabii ama kendini o 

öteki denen kis¸inin deneyimine açtıg˘ın oranda ötekilik 

farklılas¸abilir. Örneg˘in mahallede yas¸am biçimi farklı 

olan, azınlıktaki kis¸iler olarak belki de öteki olan 

bizlerdik. Bu "öteki" rolünün de sürekli yer deg˘is¸tirmesi 

sag˘lıklı deg˘il midir? 

Muktedir kılmak (empowerment) çok büyük bir iddia, bu 

demek oluyor ki, "güç bizde". Bunu neden birlikte yapı- 

lan bir s¸ey olarak ele almıyoruz? O noktada kis¸ilerin 

güçlendirilmesinden deg˘il mekânın, gündelik yas¸amın 

güçlendirilmesinden bahsedebiliriz. Güçlendirme tek bir 

tarafın yapabileceg˘i bir s¸ey deg˘il bence. Hele ki kent 

mekânından beslenen, kentin dinamig˘iyle ayakta kalan Oda 

Projesi tek bas¸ına bir güç olus¸turamaz. 

Açık uçluluk 

Derya: Oda Projesi'nin is¸lerinde "açık uçluluk"un rolü 

nedir? Claire Bishop October dergisinde yayınlanan 

yazısında "açık uçluluk" meselesini tartıs¸ıyor ve bunun 

problemli bir sanatsal strateji oldug˘unu söylüyor. 39 Sanat 

eg˘er politik mesaj vermek istiyorsa bunu "açık uçluluk" 

la deg˘il, izleyicisine kendini sorgulatan "yıkıcı" 

(disruptive) jestlerle yapabilir ancak diye düs¸ünüyor. 

Özge: Açık uçluluk bence bir ortamı paylas¸an kis¸ilerin 

(bizler de dahil) eylem halindeyken çok farkında olmadıg˘ı 

bir s¸ey. Bu süreç içinde belirlenir, yani bir projeyi en 

bas¸ından "açık uçlu" olarak kurgulayamayız. Katılımcıların 

ilis¸ki kurma arzusu devamlılık gösteriyorsa ya da bir 

etki/tepki durumu olus¸abildiyse ancak proje açık uçlu hale 

gelir. Sürece bir son nokta koymamak, ya da nokta kondug˘u 

anda yeni bir cümle ile devam etmek gibi. Yani açık 

uçluluk içinde de "bitmis¸ ürün"den bahsedebiliriz aslında. 

Ürün gibi duran nesnenin aslında bir araç is¸levi görüyor 

olus¸u "açık uçlulug˘u" tanımlar. 

39 

Bishop 2004.


community-in-themaking 

Siri Peyer in an E-mail-Conversation with 

Jeanne van Heeswijk, conducted from February to June 2011 

siri Peyer: Dear Jeanne, before talking about some of your work more 

specifically, I wanted to ask you if you have a theoretical understanding 

or explanation of how you define public space? 

Jeanne van Heeswijk: Public space in most of our contemporary cities is 

highly regulated. The term suggests that social interaction is obviously 

implied, but actually it is not. We see more and more people feeling 

left out in what is often a clinical understanding of the public domain. 

Something we often seem to forget is that the public domain is not 

evident. It is a source of conflict between residents, developers, and 

government. 

Just to be clear: the public domain is more than what we describe as 

public space: it is the actual physical space, the social interaction, 

the media, and the means of communication. All of these together 

determine someone's living environment. It concerns the space in which 

people live, and the relationships both with each other and with the 

outside world. To become an active citizen, you are not only a user of 

public space but you are also engaged in its creation and are an integral 

part of the image (imagining) of that space. 

The public domain is based on the meeting and confrontation of people, 

cultures, and ideas. It is exactly in that confrontation that new ideas 

and social formations originate. Public life is but for a small part 

oriented toward the physical environment. Furthermore, it is much more 

a process of social, economic, and cultural activities that move – 

certainly today – on various scale levels. At the heart of the processes, 

and especially those around which urban life revolves, cultural interventions 

are often the only manner in which an engagement in these pro- 

cesses can again be generated. We must no longer view the public domain 

solely as the result of economic and legal considerations, but instead 

we can start viewing and using it as the (per)formative basis of a 

community-in-the-making. 

Has this understanding changed because of your practical 

experience? 

For this it is important that more friction is created. For friction to 

occur, there must be more communal participation in that space. To 

realize this communal use, people must feel that the space actually be- 

longs to them. The question for me became to create places in which 

we, in discussion with one another, can face up to the confrontation in 

order to address one another as co-producers of the city. Can we make 

this arena of tension visible and develop instruments that make it 

possible to intervene? Can we collectively develop a public domain in 

which everyone has a place? And can we then develop the instruments that 

enable people to genuinely shape, deepen, sharpen, or question their 

daily surroundings. This needs a form of reciprocity, an exchange of 

knowledge, collectivization, and cohabitation in the process. (fig. 1,2) 

To assist the building of urban spaces that allow for cultural, social, 

economic, and political changes, I started to create platforms where 

people are able to encounter each other and where, on the basis of the 

meetings that take place, they can construct representations of their 

environment. In other words, I intervene in a given situation in such a 

way that those involved can increase the number and intensity of their 

ties. To this extent, I propose action programmes, incitements to conversation, 

sites of exhibition, and systems of circulation. For this, 

a practice of dealing with questions of urban spaces is needed, one that 

1 — Freehouse – Tomorrow's Market - speak your mind, 

2009, Rotterdam South. Photo: Jeanne van Heeswijk 

2 — Freehouse – Tomorrow's Market — show your style, 

2009, Rotterdam South. Photo: Marcel van der Meijs


arises from a necessity to draw from and merge different disciplines and 

perspectives from many voices. 

Often you are asked to develop projects that accompany urban plan- 

ning. For example the Dwaallicht (2007) project in Rotterdam. In your 

experience, what expectations do the cities or developers have about you 

as an artist? 

Often the expectations of the developers are their own immediate interests 

in executing an urban redevelopment or master plan with as little friction 

as possible with the involved parties, such as the local population, 

inhabitants, shopkeepers, and other users. The hope an art project will 

smooth the process and ease the pain. (fig. 3) Like in the Nieuw Crooswijk 

area in Rotterdam, where a massive regeneration took place, tearing down 

more than 90 percent of the social-sector dwellings and replacing them 

with middle-class residences, which displaced 90 percent of the residents, 

mainly working-class people from a whole range of ethnic backgrounds. 

They basically asked for a project of nice saying goodbye events. When I 

accept engage such a commission, it is because I feel an urgency to 

address precisely the formulation of the commission and the implied posi- 

tion of the local inhabitants. I try to create a more radical narrative 

from within. I know this implies the risk of my being completely co-opted 

by the commissioning body. This is why I always also try to break open 

the commission by arranging independent funding and co-commissioners. 

And what are the interests and aims you have when becoming 

involved in such projects? 

I aim to create platforms of exchange that bring together all urban 

forces, thereby enabling the development of places where intimate social 

and formal situations can meet. From this exchange, and through meeting 

and confrontation, I envisage a more broadly supported and comprehensive 

idea of living together in an area. As it is precisely at this moment 

that a community begins to shape itself, begins to articulate its own voice 

and aesthetic, and begins to organize itself, it becomes clear that it 

knows what it actually wants with its environment. At such a moment, you 

will see people rising up and demanding the right to the area. 

areas? 

What do you think is most often forgotten when planning new urban 

Most new urban areas, and IJburg outside Amsterdam comes to mind as an 

extreme example, are devised completely on a drawing board. The amount of 

planning done is intense, and the future of its inhabitants is often 

charted for more than 20 years, calculated around the increasing amounts 

of people that will come to live there and building services for them 

when certain population metrics are met. I think that these areas lack 

space for the unplanned, the yet to be desired. They lack space for 

people who move into such overregulated places to try to make them their 

own, to establish a habitat that might differ from the planners' original 

intentions. 

The Blue House on IJburg tried to be such a place, one that offers the 

opportunity to express these frictions, to match local desires with 

external imagination, and to intervene in these processes of accustomization. 

On an island that has become almost fully privatized, it is 

one of the few public places that can give voice to the struggles of an 

emerging community. (fig. 4) 

Your projects, such as Face your World, StedelijkLab Slotervaart 

(2005) in Amsterdam, where you designed the plans for a park together with 

the local residents, often try to engage the inhabitants. In your ex- 

perience, which factors are needed for people to be willing to actively 

participate in such processes? 

To be able to create with and from within the community, my projects 

depend on the community for their sustainability. For the work to become 

more than my single ownership, but the collective ownership of everyone 

involved, it is essential for the projects to step into the community 

and become part of them, and to develop the ability to listen to how to 

interject my creative energy. For this you simply have to spend time, 

3 — Dwaallicht (Will o the wisp)— The knight of 

memory, 2007, Rotterdam, Nieuw Crooswijk. Photo: 

Roger Teeuwen 

4 — Het blauwe Huis (The blue House), 2005- 

2010 — Pump up the blue by Herve Paraponaris, 2008, 

Amsterdam, Ijburg. Photo: Ramon Mosterd


time to work together and to disagree. Spending time together seems 

to be quite simple but over the course of my practice I have learned how 

difficult it is. 

In 2008, you developed the project shanghai Dreaming, Holding 

an urban Gold card within the 7th shanghai biennale. What did you know 

about the notion of the public sphere in china? 

In 1985, I was an exchange student at Sichuan Fine Arts Institute in 

Chongqing. Since then, I have closely followed China's developments, its 

rapid economic growth, and its urban politics in the news, academic 

studies, and on blogs. When I arrived back in Shanghai for preparation 

for the Biennale, after an absence of more than 20 years, nothing could 

have prepared me for the shock of experiencing the proactive way the 

Chinese state welcomed and embraced economic globalisation as a golden 

opportunity for China to modernise itself. I decided to take that 

be-wilderment as a starting point to work with. While construction is 

ongoing everywhere, filling every possible space in the city, every few 

minutes new businesses are being set up on every street, selling food, 

toys and T-shirts, collecting recyclable paper, cans, wood and textiles 

by migrant workers streaming in from the countryside in search of a 

better life. (fig. 5) Vendors operating without license form an increasingly 

dense web of informalities that serves the entire city and by that 

defines its public face. I found it intriguing that the combined free 

enterprise of this temporary population, which is granted only restricted 

citizenship, should be the city's shaping force. So I went looking 

for ways in which the dreams of fortune arising from migrant workers' 

personal initiatives inform a new shared language of change. 

How did the project shanghai Dreaming, Holding an urban Gold card 

respond to this experience? 

To show this language of change, we chose to work with T-shirts, as they 

are used a lot on the streets of Shanghai as a means of expressing 

different viewpoints in public. (fig. 6) This was one of the reasons for 

the government to ban T-shirts bearing slogans from the stadium during 

the Olympic Games. We worked with a young couple that normally organizes 

freebee sessions and sample presentations of big brands on the street. 

They organized a freebee presentation of T-shirts, for which we registered 

a new brand called Fortune. Together with 40 volunteers, they offered 

over 2,000 T-shirts to passers-by saying "you can have this sample of 

Fortune but we would like you to put it on straight away." Although this 

was merely a small gesture, it turned the "people's square" red in less 

than an hour. That was how we bypassed gaining permission to show the 

T-shirts on the street, as displaying 35 red T-shirts would be considered 

a demonstration by the authorities. 

5 — shanghai Dreaming, Holding an urban Gold card — 

public action, 2008, Shanghai. Photo: Wenying Liao 

6 — shanghai Dreaming, Holding an urban Gold 

card — installation detail, 2008, Shanghai. Photo: 

Wenying Liao


biograPhies 

Minerva Cuevas is an artist whose work is characterised 

by socially engaged and site-specific actions that take place 

in a range of settings, from public space through museums to 

the Internet. Her works are always based on in-depth critical 

research, in her endeavour to examine the potential of in- 

formal and alternative economies. Her works provide viewers 

with an insight into the complexities of the economic and 

political organisation of the social sphere and its structures. 

She lives and works in Mexico City. 

www.minervacuevas.org 

Selma Dubach studied art history, media studies, and 

business administration in Bern. Since 2010, she has worked 

as a research assistant at IFCAR Institute for Contemporary 

Art Re-search at Zurich University of the Arts (ZHdK), before 

which she held a position at the Institute for Art History at 

Bern University. In addition to curating and co-curating 

various projects, she has written numerous articles and texts 

for catalogues. 

Rupali Gupte is an architect and urbanist practicing and 

teaching in Mumbai. She is a founding member of the Collective 

Research Initiatives Trust, which is committed to urbanism 

research and practice. She is also a partner with RRarchitecture101, 

a design practice. She is interested in tactical 

urban conditions and design interventions. Her works include, 

among others, studies of post-industrial landscapes 

and housing types in Mumbai, a multimedia novel on a semifictional 

history of Mumbai's urbanism, a story-map installation 

about Mumbai's mill lands, and other urban design 

projects. 

Jeanne van Heeswijk is a visual artist who creates contexts 

for interaction in public spheres. Her projects distinguish 

themselves through a strong social involvement. With her 

work, Van Heeswijk stimulates and develops cultural production, 

and creates new public (meeting-)spaces or remodels 

existing ones. To achieve this, she often works closely with 

artists, designers, architects, software developers, 

governments, and citizens. She regularly lectures on topics 

such as urban renewal, civic participation, and cultural 

production. www.jeanneworks.net 

Jürgen Krusche is a researcher and publicist who focuses 

on urbanism and public space in the intercultural exchange 

between Europe, China, and Japan. He has worked at Zurich 

University of the Arts (ZHdK) since 2001, and from 2007 

to 2011 headed the research project "Taking to the Streets: 

The Street as Public Space Exemplified by Berlin, Shanghai, 

Tokyo and Zurich" at the Faculty of Architecture of the Swiss 

Federal Institute of Technology (ETH) in Zurich. He also 

works as a freelance photographer. 

Li Zhenhua is a writer, curator, producer, and artist living 

in Beijing/Shanghai and Zurich. He is the founder of Laboratory 

Art Beijing (www.bjartlab.com) and the Mustard Seed 

garden (www.msgproduction.com). In 2010, he served as chief 

planner of the Shanghai eART Festival. He has delivered 

numerous talks and presentations at new media art symposia, 

as well as at leading galleries and museum spaces around the 

world. 

Derya Özkan studied architecture and sociology before earning 

a Ph.D. degree in Visual and Cultural Studies. She currently 

works at the Institute of European Ethnology at the University 

of Munich. Her research focuses on the politics of space, popular 

culture, consumption, contemporary art, informal urbanism, 

migration, and the postcolonial city. In the fall of 2011, 

she will start working on a research project entitled "From 

Oriental to the 'cool' City. Changing Imaginations of Istanbul, 

Cultural Production and the Production of Urban Space" as 

an Emmy Noether Fellow of the DFG (Deutsche Forschungsgemein- 

schaft). 

Siri Peyer is a Zurich-based curator. She was recently appointed 

research assistant at at Kunstmuseum Thun. From 2008 

to 2011, she served as an assistant on the Postgraduate Pro- 

gramme in Curating at the Institute for Cultural Studies in the 

Arts (ICS), where she co-organised the non-profit White Space 

(www.whitespace.ch). Previously, she was curatorial assistant 

at the Shedhalle Zurich from 2008 to 2009. She has curated 

or co-curated several exhibitions and projects. 

Oda Projesi is an artist collective based in Istanbul; its 

members are Özge Açıkkol, Güne Savas¸, and Seçil Yersel, who 

turned their collaboration into an art project in 2000. From 

2000, their Galata-based studio functioned as a non-profit 

independent space, hosting nearly 30 collaborative projects 

and actions up until 2005, when Oda Projesi was evicted from 

the apartment following the area's ongoing gentrification. Oda 

Projesi has since been a mobile operation, one committed to 

to raising questions on the production of space and place, and 

creating social relationship models by using different media 

like radio stations, books, postcards, newspapers and by 

depending on the creativity of the inhabitants of the city of 

Istanbul. 

Christoph Schenker is Professor ZFH of Philosophy of Art and 

Contemporary Art at Zurich University of the Arts (ZHdK). 

Since 2005, he has been head of the newly founded Institute for 

Contemporary Art Research (IFCAR), part of the ZHdK Department 

of Art and Media. His main research fields are artistic re- 

search as well as art and the public sphere. www.ifcar.ch 

Prasad Shetty is an urbanist based in Mumbai. He studied archi- 

tecture and urban management. His work involves research on 

issues related to contemporary Indian urbanism, including ar- 

chitectural practices, post-liberalization developments, 

entrepreneurial practices, cultural dimensions of property, 

and investigations into mapping processes. He is a founding 

member of the Collective Research Initiatives Trust, a re- 

search-based urban practice, and he also teaches at the Academy 

of Architecture in Mumbai. 

Richard Wolff Dr. sc. nat. ETH, is an urbanist, researcher, 

campaign leader, organizer, moderator, and activist. He grew 

up in Switzerland and Venezuela, studied in Zurich and London, 

and has been a visiting lecturer in the USA. He is a partner 

of INURA Zürich Institute for Urban Development Issues, a lecturer 

at the Center for Urban Landscape of the School of Architecture 

at the Zurich University of Applied Sciences, and 

co-head of the International Network for Urban Research and 

Action INURA. He specializes in urban development, living, 

traffic, planning, and the environment. He has been a member of 

Zurich municipal council since 2010.


ONcurating.org 

On-Curating.org is an independent international 

web-journal focusing on questions around curatorial 

practise and theory. 

Publisher 

Dorothee Richter 

Web and Graphic Design Concept 

Michel Fernández 

Graphic Design Eleventh Issue 

Jeannine Herrmann 

Eleventh Issue 

Public Issues 

Editors 

Selma Dubach, Christoph Schenker 

Editorial Office 

Franz Krähenbühl 

Administration 

Jasmina Courti, Amber Hickey (On-Curating.org) 

Contributions 

Minerva Cuevas, Rupali Gupte, Jeanne van Heeswijk 

interviewed by Siri Peyer, Jürgen Krusche, Li Zhenhua, 

Derya Özkan, Oda Projesi interviewed by Derya Özkan, 

Prasad Shetty, Richard Wolff 

Translations 

Burke Barrett, creativ-uebersetzungen.de (from German), 

Ian Barnett (from Spanish), Weina Zhao (from Chinese), 

Erden Kosova (from Turkish) 

Proofreading 

Yasmin Kiss (German), Mark Kyburz (English), 

Amber Hickey (revised version) 

Supported by 

Supported by the IFCAR Institute for Contemporary Art 

Research (www.ifcar.ch) and the Postgraduate Programme 

in Curating, ICS Institute for Cultural Studies in the 

Arts, both Zurich University of the Arts. 

Copyright by the authors and the IFCAR


curating 

Postgraduate Program in Curating 

Curating Contemporary Art 

The Garden 

of Forking 

Paths 

An Outdoor Sculpture Project on the Blum Family 

Estate in Samstagern (Zurich) frohussicht.ch 

2nd May – 30 th October 2011 

Pablo Bronstein 

Liz Craft 

Ida Ekblad 

Geoffrey Farmer 

Kerstin Kartscher 

Ragnar Kjartansson 

Fabian Marti 

Peter Regli 

Thiago Rocha Pitta 

Zürcher Hochschule der Künste 

Zurich University of the Arts, Switzerland 

Curating 

The Postgraduate Program in Curating (MAS/CAS) 

is a discursive platform designed to impart specialist 

knowledge of contemporary curating practices 

through practice-oriented projects. 

Course commences: End of September 2011 

Application deadline: 30th June 2011 (Date of postage) 

Information/Contact 

+41 (0)43 446 40 20 

info.weiterbildung@zhdk.ch 

http://weiterbildung.zhdk.ch 

http://www.curating.org 

Teaching staff and guest lectures: 

Marius Babias, Ursula Biemann, Beatrice v. Bismarck, 

René Block, Lionel Bovier, Sabeth Buchmann, Sarah 

Cook, Diedrich Diederichsen, Yilmaz Dziwor, Beate 

Engel, Sønke Gau, Beryl Graham, Jeanne van Heeswijk, 

Annemarie Hürlimann, Therese Kaufmann, Oliver 

Kielmeyer, Moritz Küng, Maria Lind, Oliver Marchart, 

Heike Munder, Paul O’Neil, Marion von Osten, Stella 

Rollig, Beatrix Ruf, Annette Schindler, Simon Sheikh, 

Marcus Steinweg, Szuper Gallery, Adam Szymczyk, 

Anton Vidokle, Marc Olivier Wahler, Axel J. Wieder, 

Rein Wolfs 

Modules 

Project work, Aesthetic and cultural theory, Recent 

art history, Exhibition design, Digital media, Project 

management and Fine Arts administration, Re-interpreting 

collections, Communal discussions and excursions, 

Language skills (German and English are 

required; written work can be submitted in either language) 

Course director: 

Dorothee Richter (Director), Siri Peyer (Assistance) 

Florian 

Germann 

19 th November 2011 – 

15 th January 2012 

Opening: 

Friday, 18 th November 2011, 6pm 

The migros museum 

für gegenwartskunst is 

an institution of the 

Migros-Kulturprozent. 

migrosmuseum.ch 

hubertus-exhibitions.ch 

migros-kulturprozent.ch 

MM_On_Curating_3.indd 1 25.07.11 10:15

091 Issue # 11/11 : PublIc Issues

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